Bienvenu sur la Communité des praticiens (CdP) de l'ISSAT sur la réforme de la sécurité et la justice. L'objectif de la CdP est de permettre aux praticiens de la RSS d'accéder facilement à l'ensemble du savoir réuni par la communauté, et de leur offrir un environnement dans lequel ils pourront travailler conjointement et continuellement à la promotion des bonnes pratiques en matière de RSS.Savoir plus.
Latest additions to the Community. Check here often to ensure that you don't miss anything!
Peru is the single largest producer of cocaine in the world. It's also an incredibly safe country.
ROBERT MUGGAH AND JEREMY MCDERMOTTAPR 24 2013, 12:30 PM ETAnti-narcotics police chemists test cocaine from a bag before its incineration in Lima on April 18, 2013. (Enrique Castro-Mendivil/Reuters)
Peru is the single largest producer and exporter of cocaine in the world. And after decades of foreign-funded eradication efforts in the country, the industry is thriving. Most of the estimated 325 tons of the stuff produced each year is making its way to Brazilian and European markets, earning Peruvian organized crime well over $1 billion annually. By the time this hits the streets in Rio, it is worth five times that amount. Get it to London and you can multiply that figure tenfold. And because Peru enjoys economic growth that Europe can only dream of, its domestic drug market is expanding, promising yet more problems down the road.
The Peruvian authorities are worried about crime. Under increasing public pressure, President Ollanta Humala has made citizen security one of the center-pieces of his government. And with good reason: the drug trade alone is cause for concern, but the illegal gold-mining industry earns almost three times as much as the drug business. Put into the mix human trafficking, the trade in illicit timber, and the trafficking of Peruvian antiquities, the earnings for organized crime in the country add up to at least $5 billion a year, perhaps closer to $7 billion. This kind of cash has a corrosive effect on government institutions, including the armed forces, police, and customs and immigration officials.
But little is known about the scale or nature of organized crime in Peru. What experts do agree is that repression, interdiction, and coca eradication are not working out as planned, and that the dynamics of the drug trade have changed. Instead of feeding the once-insatiable U.S. market, Peru may now account for as little as five percent of the estimated 300 tons of cocaine Americans snort. Now Brazil, the world's second-biggest market, sucks up much of Peruvian drug production, often not as cocaine but its more addictive and cheaper variants, crack or "bazuco."
Most law enforcement specialists believe that locals run the production and local transportation of cocaine, while Colombian and Mexican intermediaries manage exports, with the recent appearance of the Russian mob to shake things up a bit. The business is supposedly straight-forward. Hundreds of campesinos (farmers) grow the crop, mainly in central and northern Peru. The cocaleros sell the coca leaf or coca base to clanes (small criminal groups often based around families), who ship either coca base or processed cocaine, to a handful of firmas (Peruvian organized crime syndicates), which shift the drugs to departure points (airports, seaports, and border areas) ready to move to Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Brazil. While some Peruvian capos (drug lords) are known to operate in neighboring countries, groups like the Sinaloa cartel and the Russian mob generally handle export.
In spite of government rhetoric to the contrary, organized crime seems to growing unmolested. Virtually no serious players are known to have been arrested or prosecuted for drug running. The one big case working its way through the courts at the moment, involving the notorious Sanchez Paredes clan, looks set to collapse. To add insult to impunity, former President Alan Garcia pardoned some 400 drug traffickers during his second term of office, citing overcrowded jails. And current President Humala also pardoned as many as 100 criminals convicted of trafficking since his election in 2011.
There is remarkably little concern in Peru over all of this. Peruvians are far more worried about the common crime that touches their daily lives, than the organized crime that has shown itself capable of corrupting the police, prosecutors, judges, and it seems, presidents. And this is because, unlike in Colombia and Mexico, the drug trade involves very little violence. While popular perceptions of insecurity are rising slightly, Peru is widely considered one of the safest countries in South America.
There are at least two possible explanations for this paradox.
The first is that analysts (including the present authors) are completely misreading the situation. In other words, it could very well be that there is considerable violence between producers, dealers and exporters as they compete over market share. The fact is that it is almost impossible to know one way or another. There is no reliable baseline data on the situation and even the most basic figures are wildly inconsistent. For example, the Ministry of the Interior claims that there are 10,000 homicides each year, while the National Police argue that there are just 3,000.
A second possibility is that there is in fact complicity in the drug trade at the highest levels. This would imply that political, economic, and criminal elites are managing competition peacefully. It would also follow that there are pacts also negotiated between campesinos, clanes, firmas, and capos , as well as the foreign cartels. High rates of corruption in government would of course ensure limited interference in illicit business. Since there is so much illegal money washing around there is no need to fight for it, there is more than enough to go around. There may also be no need to resort to violence if bribes will work. One hardened, and frustrated, police veteran once commented that the plomo (lead) is seldom needed, as plata (silver) always does the job.
Whichever interpretation is right, the fact remains that Peru faces the almost certain prospect of a dangerous escalation of organized crime and criminal violence. After radically reducing its support to Peru in recent years, the United States has instead concentrated its attention on Colombia, Central America, and Mexico. Not surprisingly, Peru has sought to step-up alternative partnerships, particularly with Brazil, the main consumer of Peruvian drugs and the regional giant. In the past decade, Peru has signed more than 60 conventions to formalize intelligence, defense, police and judicial cooperation with Brazil, France, Russia, Spain and the United Kingdom, among others. Rather than asking for more funds, Peru is requesting technical and training support to improve the quality of its law enforcement sector. The government also recently spent some $400 million on attack helicopters.
Experts hope that the Peruvian authorities will balance muscular law and order activities with prevention programs, including alternative development.
If history is any guide, a heavy fist may only make matters worse.
Moving beyond the limited focus of the individual strategic theorist or the great military leader, The Making of Strategy concentrates instead on the processes by which rulers and states have formed strategy. Seventeen case studies--from the fifth century B.C. to the present--analyze through a common framework how strategists have sought to implement a coherent course of action against their adversaries. This fascinating book considers the impact of such complexities as the geographic, political, economic and technical forces that have driven the transformation of strategy since the beginning of civilization and seem likely to alter the making of strategy in the future.
This is the first comprehensive study based on a detailed textual analysis of the classical works on war by Clausewitz, Sun Tzu, Mao Tse-tung, and to a lesser extent, Jomini and Machiavelli. Brushing stereotypes aside, the author takes a fresh look at what these strategic thinkers actually said—not what they are widely believed to have said. He finds that despite their apparent differences in terms of time, place, cultural background, and level of material/technological development, all had much more in common than previously supposed. In fact, the central conclusion of this book is that the logic of waging war and of strategic thinking is as universal and timeless as human nature itself. This third, revised and expanded edition includes five new chapters and some new charts and diagrams.
In this widely acclaimed work, now revised and expanded, Luttwak unveils the peculiar logic of strategy level by level, from grand strategy down to combat tactics. He explores examples from ancient Rome to present day to reveal the ultimate logic of military failure and success, of war and peace. 5 tables.
Les propositions dans cet article en vue de l’élaboration d’une Stratégie Nationale d’aide légale ont pour vocation d’aider à traduire dans la réalité la volonté politique exprimée par le gouvernement burundais de renforcer les politiques publiques qui garantissent l’accès à la justice des personnes vulnérables.
Afin de lire cette publication, veuillez suivre ce lien.
La notion de « Réforme des Systèmes de Sécurité » (RSS) s’est développée et diffusée depuis la fin des années 90 et s’est imposée comme l’une des activités vouées à prévenir les conflits et consolider la paix dans les États en proie à l’instabilité. Cette diffusion des politiques et des pratiques de RSS a donné lieu ces dernières années à des efforts d’élaboration de stratégies globales et de principes directeurs, parmi lesquels notamment les manuels du Comité d’Aide au Développement (CAD) de l’OCDE ou les papiers de positionnement de l’Union Européenne et de l’ONU.
Réforme politique par essence, la RSS a pour effet de modifier les équilibres existant entre les acteurs du système de sécurité. Le système de sécurité et sa réforme sont en effet au cœur de la souveraineté des États et de leurs peuples. Ils touchent aussi bien à des fonctions régaliennes qu’aux droits les plus élémentaires des populations. L’approche globale qui prévaut en matière de RSS a notamment pour conséquence d’exiger une coopération et une coordination étroites à la fois entre les différents acteurs qui composent les systèmes de sécurité nationaux et entre les partenaires de la communauté internationale qui cherchent à appuyer leurs efforts de réforme.
L’expertise francophone en matière de RSS est encore insuffisante. Il est aujourd’hui urgent de d’approfondir et de capitaliser les expériences, en vue de faire du monde francophone un espace de gouvernance démocratique des systèmes de sécurité. Les dispositions adoptées par la Francophonie à la faveur des Déclarations de Bamako et de Saint-Boniface, complétées par celle de la Déclaration de Québec, offrent un cadre pertinent pour encadrer les éventuelles interventions de l’OIF en matière d’appui a la reforme des systèmes de sécurité.
Les réseaux institutionnels de la Francophonie, particulièrement les réseaux à vocation judicaire peuvent apporter une contribution majeure à cet immense chantier, dont les derniers coups de force survenus dans un certain nombre d’États francophones, notamment africains, démontrent non seulement l’importance mais aussi l’urgence.
Afin de lire cette publication, veuillez suivre ce lien.
L’étude a pour objectif de faire avancer la réflexion sur le développement du secteur de l’aide légale, qui regroupe les activités d’aide juridique et d’assistance judiciaire et sur l’instauration d’un cadre légal et judiciaire de l’aide légale pour les personnes vulnérables au Burundi.
Afin de lire cette publication, veuillez suivre ce lien.
A handbook for assessing police performance in countries undergoing democratic transition has been published by the Johannesburg-based Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, in association with the Open Society Foundation of South Africa and the Open Society Justice Initiative.
The Police That We Want: A Handbook for Oversight of the Police in South Africa , by David Bruce and Rachel Neild, offers an outline of "democratic policing"—the behavior and techniques appropriate to police in a democratic setting. The book includes a set of indicators designed to assess democratic policing in order to encourage transparent and objective evaluation of the priorities and progress of police reform.
Written primarily for South Africa, the handbook follows international practices in policing and police oversight and can be adapted for use in other countries by all those supporting and overseeing police reforms. The indicators are applicable even where local police use different structures, systems, or operational strategies.
'The Police That We Want' identifies five areas of democratic policing and provides key measures for evaluating performance in each area. The five areas are the protection of democratic political life; police governance, accountability, and transparency; service delivery for safety, justice, and security; proper police conduct; and the police as citizens.
This report discusses ways to measure the success of stabilization and reconstruction efforts in failed states and war-torn societies objectively. The author stresses the need to establish clear and well-integrated goals that are based on an accurate baseline assessment of the conflict and are directly linked to strategic planning. The report provides a rudimentary framework for the development of a comprehensive metrics system for stabilization and reconstruction.
To view this article, please follow this link.
This ‘Handbook on Planning, Monitoring and Evaluating for Development Results’ is an updated edition of the 2002 edition of ‘Handbook on Monitoring and Evaluation for Results’. It seeks to address new directions in planning, monitoring and evaluation in the context of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) corporate strategic plan, the requirements of the UNDP evaluation policy approved by the Executive Board in 2006 and the United Nations Evaluation Group (UNEG) ‘Standards for Evaluation in the UN System’. The updated Handbook also incorporates information recommended by key users of the Handbook during various workshops held by UNDP units.
The guiding framework of UNDP for planning, monitoring and evaluation is provided in the ‘Programme and Operations Policy and Procedure’ (POPP) , the evaluation policy , and the UNEG ‘Standards for Evaluation in the UN System’. The POPP and evaluation policy aim to provide guidance to UNDP management and staff on key functions and mechanisms through which the results and principles enshrined in the overarching programmatic documents of UNDP, including the strategic plan, are to be achieved. They reflect the intentions of the Executive Board and also inform UNDP stakeholders of how UNDP conducts its work.
These documents provide the prescriptive content on what needs to be done, by whom and by when. This Handbook complements this content by providing UNDP programme units with guidance on ‘how to’ and practical tools to strengthen results-oriented planning, monitoring and evaluation in UNDP.
The next International Summer Academy on Peacebuilding & Intercultural Dialogue by Institute for Peace and Dialogue, IPD will take place in Vienna, Austria during the 1-11 September.
The main goal of the summer academy is to support institutional academic peace education and strengthen peace-building skills and intercultural dialogue of international society.
Contact Person for sending application documents
Director of IPD
Institute for Peace & Dialogue, IPD
Address: Apostelgasse 17/20, Wien, Austria
Tel.: +43 6604947601
This paper is a summary of the discussions which took place at the roundtable event on 'Rebuilding Yemen: Roadmap for a National Dialogue’ held at Chatham House on 14 March 2012. The meeting brought together key Yemen Forum stakeholders, including academics, journalists, private-sector representatives, NGOs and members of the UK-based Yemeni diaspora. The discussion addressed two of the major challenges Yemen currently faces: the ‘Southern question’; and developing a ‘national dialogue’ process as stipulated by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) agreement.
Click here to see the pdf at Chatham House:
The International Centre for Parliamentary Studies is proud to announce that the Professional Certificate in International Security will take place from 11th - 15th November 2013 in London, UK.
International security is a key concern for all states given that local criminality, transnational criminal organisations and terrorists flourish where there is weak rule of law, a lack of adequate border control, entrenched corruption and poorly trained officials. The combination is extremely difficult to tackle in states with limited resources and as a result, individual states and international organisations each have a crucial role to play in ensuring citizens' safety and well being.
Past participants have benefited greatly from this high-level programmeand are now able to better recognise the contexts in which destabilising conditions can arise and to determine practical, implementable ways of tackling these problems before they cause social and economic crises or regional friction.
This certificate is accredited by the Chartered Management Institute, the leading body that awards internationally recognised management and leadership qualification.
For further information please visit the website.
Until 24th July 2013 there is an early registration rate of £2450 (registration after 24th July is £2950). If you wish to attend this certificated programme please register online now or contact us on +44 (0) 20 3137 8640 to secure your delegate place(s).
The annual Christmas lecture to the Royal United Services Institute by General Sir David Richards GCB CBE DSO ADC Gen, Chief of the Defence Staff, UK Ministry of Defence.
This 2012 lecture elaborates on how the new Joint Forces Command and the changes in the armed forces as a result of the 2010 National Security Strategy (NSS) and the Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDSR) will need to adapt to contingency operations and to more steady-state defence engagement as a means of conflict prevention, especially after the withdrawal of combat troops from Afghanistan in 2014. This will include military contributions to Security Sector Reform as part of the joint Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO)/Ministry of Defence (MOD) Defence Engagement Strategy.
Read the transcript at http://www.rusi.org/cdslectures
Following the adoption of the African Union’s Security Sector Reform Policy Framework (AU-SSRPF) by the 20th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the Union in January 2013, the ASSN has signed a Grant Support Agreement with the UN Office of Project Services (UNOPS) to develop a number of guidance tools and other instruments to support the implementation of the AU-SSRPF. A copy of the TOR can be viewed online at africansecuritynetwork.org. UNOPS support is within the framework of the project "Building AU Capacities in SSR - A Joint UN/EU Support Action", which seeks “to build African Union capacities in the key peacebuilding area of SSR through a partnership between the African Union, the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations and the European Union with the aim of better positioning the AU to support national authorities with effective SSR implementation to advance social justice and sustainable peace”. ASSN’s role is consistent with the tripartite agreement between the UN, AU, and ASSN, requiring ASSN to provide technical support to this project.
The ASSN seeks duly qualified individuals/consultants to lead respectively on the following:
This assignment is expected to be process-driven, and both consultative and collaborative in approach. The lead consultant’s work will be supported by a small technical team and a larger reference group of key experts and representatives of stakeholder institutions. There will be at least one consultation workshop to review initial drafts and (where necessary) recommend revisions.
The consultant will be responsible for:
The successful candidate will work with the technical team to develop a detailed implementation plan for approval by ASSN management.
It is expected that the successful candidate will have
Competency in one or more AU languages in addition to English would be an advantage but is not a requirement.
The work assignment will commence immediately an appropriate candidate is identified, or as soon thereafter as feasible.
Please submit a current CV and an expression of interest detailing qualifications and experience by email to email@example.com or by regular mail to
African Security Sector Network (ASSN),
27 Kofi Annan Avenue,
North Legon, Accra, Ghana,
P.O. Box AF2457, Adenta, Accra, Ghana
CLOSING DATE: 20 May 2013
Access to justice is a tool for the most socially and economically marginalised groups to defend their human rights. In this sense, access to justice is a genuine development opportunity for those populations and an important factor in the fight against poverty, particularly in countries emerging from conflict or in developing countries.
As a unique platform for a sector which is still under-explored in the fight against poverty, the conference offers an opportunity to contribute to the agenda of the Millennium Development Goals for the period after 2015.
Conference information and registration on http://www.asf.be/justice2015.
Given the limited number of places, registration for the conference is required.
All discussions and lectures of the conference will be in English and French with simultaneous interpretation.
Contact: + 32 (0)2 223 37 82 - firstname.lastname@example.org.
This document outlines comparative resource material on security, defense and interior parliamentary committees. The material is divided according to: established democracies, near and middle-eastern democracies, and post-conflict democracies. The "established democracies" category has quite a few committee Terms of Reference, including from the US, the UK, Switzerland, Australia and France; Also included are some rules of procedure, some of which outline more generally what committees do and how they function. Providing the broader context is generally very useful for an establishing parliament. The near and middle-eastern section sought to draw on Arab parliaments. Many of these countries do not have security-related committees, because oversight, particularly of the security sector, is not always sanctioned; some parliaments simply don't have websites; and a number are only in Arabic. Nevertheless, there are a few that are available, including from Turkey and Iraq.
There are also a few examples from post-conflict countries, given the sensitivities to security in such transitions. Here there is quite a bit, particularly from the Balkans. Also included are some secondary sources and case studies. A section on the "Role of Parliaments in Overseeing the Security Sector," is a collection of secondary sources that are very relevant to security-related committees. These include materials from DCAF, the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), UNDP and a couple of others. There are some good case studies from Palestine and Iraq, among others. There is a book chapter about parliamentary oversight of the security sector in Afghanistan (DCAF publication), which has a focus on committees as well as a more general description of how parliaments can exercise oversight of the security sector.
The IPU is a particularly useful website with a comparative database of parliaments around the world and a webpage where parliamentary websites from around the world are made easily accessible on one page. IPU' PARLINE database contains information on the structure and working methods of 266 parliamentary chambers in all of the 189 countries that have a parliament.
Plus d’une décennie de conflits incessants, des millions de victimes, un état déliquescent, une partition territoriale de fait… Devant un tableau aussi sombre, peu auraient parié, il y a cinq ans, sur la possibilité d’initier un processus de pacification régionale et de reconstruction de l’état congolais. En dépit de redoutables difficultés, depuis la signature à Sun City, le 2 avril 2003, de l’Acte final du dialogue intercongolais, le Congo n’a pourtant cessé d’avancer dans la bonne direction. Bon an mal an, avec le soutien de l’ONU et des bailleurs de fonds internationaux, les Congolais ont traversé avec succès le parcours d’obstacles qui débuta par une longue et périlleuse phase de transition pour s’achever par l’organisation des élections législatives et présidentielles en 2006. Entre-temps, une nouvelle constitution avait été adoptée qui modifiait profondément les structures de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC). Le choix du constituant congolais en faveur d’un état fortement décentralisé constitue à cet égard une évolution décisive de l’organisation politique et administrative de la RDC. Cette orientation institutionnelle – qui transforme la RDC en un état fédéral qui ne dit pas son nom – résulte autant de considérations pragmatiques que d’un rapport de force politique entre « centralisateurs » et « décentralisateurs ». Quoi qu’il en soit, l’état des institutions publiques congolaises interdit de raisonner en terme de réforme de l’état. La tâche à laquelle s’attèlent les acteurs politiques de la RDC consiste plutôt à la reconstruction par le bas de fonctions étatiques qui avaient, pour l’essentiel, disparu depuis longtemps. L’importance des enjeux ne laisse pas d’autre choix aux Congolais que de réussir ce défi. Certains indices laissent penser qu’une prise de conscience est en cours. Il n’en demeure pas moins que les risques sont à la hauteur des enjeux. Ce rapport s’efforce de synthétiser les uns et les autres, sans oublier de poser la question de l’adaptation des partenaires internationaux de la RDC – Belgique en tête – à la nouvelle architecture institutionnelle congolaise.
Pour lire la suite de ce dossier, veuillez cliquer ici.
Du 14 au 17 avril 2008, la République centrafricaine a connu un événement qui a été qualifié d’historique par ses participants, la tenue d’un séminaire national sur la réforme du secteur de la sécurité. Pour la première fois de son histoire, le pays a en effet vibré au rythme d’une discussion et d’une analyse fouillée sur un sujet des plus sensibles dans un contexte de sortie de conflit récent : celui du secteur de sa sécurité, et des réformes qu’il requiert à court, moyen et long termes.
Pour lire la suite de ce dossier, veuillez cliquer ici.
The project supports Albanian State Police to enhance their level of cooperation and partnership with the communities and other civilian actors in order to improve the services and increase the feeling of safety in the community. The project is focused primarily into three major components: 1) Development of a Performance Management System of the police with input from the society groups regarding their level of satisfcation and safety; 2) Promoting Police partnerships with civilian actors and especially with the youth; 3) Combatting domestic violence. In addition, the project is implementing a Small Grants Scheme mainly on partnership building. The project has started implementation in March 2012 and will run until March 2015, with a total funding of about 2,8 Mil. Euros. The implementing agency is SIPU International AB, a Swedish consultancy firm which cooperates closely with the Albanian Ministry of Interior, Albanian State Police and other important stakeholders.
This report was commissioned by the UK Department for International Development in order to explore the linkages between security-sector reform and transformation, including downsizing of the Palestine National Security Forces, at a time of political instability, on the one hand, and fiscal stabilisation and financial management over the medium term under conditions of significant economic uncertainty, on the other hand.
To view this publication, please follow this link.
Cette étude de case fait partie d'un programme de recherche entrepris par le Groupe Sectoriel sur la Sécurité du consortium Initiative for Peacebuilding (IfP). L'étude de cas sur la Réforme de Secteur de Sécurité (RSS) au Burundi et la pratique des bailleurs publié lors de la première phase de ce programme de recherche a relevé que "dans la grande majorité des cas, il n'existe pas de recours automatiques à des mécanismes de pris de prise en compte des besoins et des préoccupations des communautés au sein des programmes RSS des acteurs internationaux." La présente étude de cas vise donc à creuses davantage ce constat, à étudier le contexte particulier du Burundi et à éclairer les opportunités, défis et obstacles auxquels l'UE et ses états membres actifs dans le renforcement du secteur de sécurité et la justice font face par rapport à l'implication des communautés à la base et de la société civile dans la programmation.
Afin de lire cette publication, veuillez suivre ce lien.
The IHEDN (Institut des Hautes Etudes de la Défense Nationale), the French interdepartmental training centre on security, defence, political and strategic issues, organised a one-day training event for which they requested ISSAT support.
This training course focused on civilian crisis management, and is intended for participants from across the French government not necessarily engaged in security issues. The course addressed various questions such as DDR, rule of law, civil society support, and SSR. The educational approach was be both theoretical and practical, based on cases studies and lessons learned.
|1||Inside the International Criminal Court:The Court||The history of the ICC and how it came into being Play now Inside the International Criminal Court:The Court|
|2||Inside the International Criminal Court :The Offices||An in depth look at each of the 4 departments of the ICC: the presidency, the judicial divisions the office of the prosecutor and the registry. Play now Inside the International Criminal Court :The Offices|
|3||Inside the International Criminal Court: The Barristers||QCs and barristers talking about their job prosecuting or defending at the ICC Play now Inside the International Criminal Court: The Barristers|
|4||Inside the International Criminal Court: Thomas Lubanga case study||Tackling the case of Thomas Lubanga from the Congo Play now Inside the International Criminal Court: Thomas Lubanga case study|
|5||Inside the International Criminal Court: Saif al-Islam Gaddafi case study||Looks at the case of Saif al islam Gaddafi Play now|
The Delivery of Justice Project is an initiative of the consortium Oxfam Novib, TISCO of Tilburg University and local legal aid organisations in Cambodia, Eg...
Dans le cadre du Mémorandum d’Entente entre le Burundi et le Royaume des Pays Bas signé en Avril 2009 dans l’objectif du Développement du Secteur de la Sécurité (DSS), il a été mise en place un programme de Gouvernance du Secteur de la Sécurité au Burundi, qui est un volet transversal, en plus de deux autres Unités d’appui à la Police et à l’Armée des mêmes programmes DSS.
Le mémorandum d’entente burundo-néerlandais de 2009 prévoit it un suivi du secteur de sécurité par des organisations de la société civile (production des rapports périodiques sur le SS). Il est prévu un atelier de trois jours sur le« Renforcement des capacités des Organisations de la Société Civile et des autres acteurs non étatiques en synergie engagés dans la gouvernance du secteur de sécurité,du 29 au 31 Mai 2013. A cet effet, le programme DSS souhaite recruter un Consultant International pour mener ledit atelier selon les termes de refeerence annexé à cet appel à candidature.
Modérateur: Dr. Michal Mlynár, Ambassadeur de Slovaquie à Nairobi et Président du Comité de direction de l'ISSAT
Madame l'Ambassadrice Sahle-Work Zewde, Directrice Générale de l'Office des Nations Unies à Nairobi (ONUN)
Madame l’Ambassadrice Nancy Kirui, CBS, Secrétaire Permanent, Ministère d’Etat de la défense, Kenya
Modérateur: M. Gabriel Negatu, Directeur régional du Centre de ressources pour l'Afrique de l'Est, Banque africaine de développement (BAD))
Dr. Julius T. Rotich, Secrétaire Général Adjoint de la Communauté d’Afrique de l’Est (EAC) chargé de la Fédération Politique
M. David W. Njoka, Directeur des Affaires Politiques, Ministère pour la Communauté d'Afrique de l'Est, Kenya
Commandant Abebe Muluneh Beyene, Directeur du Programme du Secteur de la sécurité de l’IGAD (ISSP)
Dr. Medhane Tadesse Gebresilassie, Conseiller principal du Réseau Africain du Secteur de la Sécurité (ASSN) auprès de l’Union Africaine
Modérateur: Dr. Mark Downes, Directeur de l’Equipe internationale de conseil au secteur de la sécurité (ISSAT) au Centre pour le contrôle démocratique des forces armées – Genève (DCAF)
M. Joel Hellman, Directeur du Centre mondial sur les conflits, la sécurité et le développement de la Banque mondiale
M. Aeneas Chuma,Coordonnateur résident des Nations Unies et Représentant résident du PNUD au Kenya
Professeur Eboe Hutchful, Président du Réseau Africain du Secteur de la Sécurité (ASSN)
Dr. Serge Rumin, Directeur du Programme de Développement du Secteur de la Sécurité, Protocole d’entente entre le Burundi et les Pays-Bas
Modérateur: Professeur Eboe Hutchful, Président du Réseau Africain du Secteur de la Sécurité (ASSN)
Monsieur l’Ambassadeur Antoine Ntamobwa, Directeur général des affaires nord-américaines du Ministère des Relations extérieures et de la coopération internationale, Burundi
Dr. Norman Mlambo, point focal pour la RSS, Union africaine
Brigadier Général Kellie Conteh, Conseiller de la MINUSS auprès du Ministère de la Sécurité nationale, Soudan du Sud
Modérateur: Monsieur l’Ambassadeur Augustine Mahiga, Représentant Spécial du Secrétaire Général des Nations Unies pour la Somalie et Chef du Bureau Politique des Nations Unies en Somalie (UNPOS)
Colonel Mohammed Jama, Conseiller Militaire Stratégique du Chef d’état-major de la Somalie
M. Hussein Arab Isse, ancien Vice-Premier ministre et Ministre de la défense, membre du Gouvernement Fédéral de la Somalie
Mme. Hanan Ibrahim, Directrice de ‘African Initiative for African Women’
Brigadier Général Abdihakim Dahir Sa’id, Chef de la police adjoint, Somalie
Modérateur: M. Stephen Jackson, Chef de Cabinet du Bureau des Nations Unies au Burundi (BNUB
Général Major Silas Ntigurirwa, Secrétaire Permanent, Ministère de la Défense Nationale et des Anciens Combattants
M. Maurice Mbonimpa, Secrétaire Permanent, Ministère de la Sécurité Publique
M. Charles Ndayiziga, Directeur, Centre d’Alerte de Prévention des Conflits (CENAP)
Modérateur: Mme. Hilde Johnson, Représentante Spéciale du Secrétaire Général des Nations Unies pour le Soudan du Sud et Chef de la Mission des Nations Unies au Soudan du Sud (MINUSS)
Général Oyay Deng Ajak, Ministre de la Sécurité nationale, Soudan du Sud
M. Edmund Yakani, Coordinateur, Community Empowerment for Progress Organisation (CEPO), Soudan du Sud
Lieutenant Général (Ret) Gebretsadkan Gebretensae, Directeur exécutif, Centre for Policy Research and Dialogue (CPRD)
Modérateur: Général Lamine Cissé, ancien Chef d’état-major Général des Armées et ancien Ministre de l’intérieur du Sénégal, ancien Représentant Spécial du Secrétaire Général des Nations Unies et chef du Bureau des Nations Unies en République Centrafricaine (BONUCA), et ancien Représentant Spécial du Secrétaire Général des Nations Unies pour l’Afrique de l’Ouest, Bureau des Nations Unies en Afrique de l’Ouest (UNOWA)
M. Dmitry Titov,Sous-Secrétaire général de l’ONU à l’état de droit et aux institutions chargées de la sécurité, Département des opérations de maintien de la paix.
Dr. Tarek A. Sharif, Chef de division défense et sécurité du Département paix et sécurité, Union Africaine
M. Gabriel Negatu, Directeur régional du Centre de ressources pour l'Afrique de l'Est, Banque africaine de développement (BAD)
Madame l'Ambassadrice Sahle-Work Zewde,Directrice générale de l'Office des Nations Unies à Nairobi (ONUN)
M. Judah Katoo Ole Metito, Député, Ministre d'Etat pour l'administration provinciale et la sécurité intérieure, Kenya
Public outreach and dialogue on a grassroots level have been high priorities throughout the development of the Kosovo Internal Security Sector Review (ISSR). The campaign included widely publicized press conferences and debates, and the dissemination of publications to raise awareness of security issues as well as of the actual ISSR process and the role the population could play. Public input was then collected through public opinion surveys, comment boxes and questionnaires.
A key component here was the innovative approach of a “Have Your Say” bus, which travelled throughout Kosovo in urban and rural zones gathering information on threats. This carefully planned and targeted approach resulted in confidence building among the general population and facilitated the sharing of fears and expectations with the project team. Contrary to what was expected, the main threats identified by the population related to employment and the economy, rather than ethnic tensions or external dangers. This finding was integrated into the Review, which today is still considered one of the key reference documents for security issues in Kosovo.
In Sierra Leone, a decision was made to link efforts to develop national security policy to the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP). The national security sector review, which was designed to serve as the basis for national security policy, was therefore merged with a central strategic pillar of the PRSP on “promotion of good governance, security and peacebuilding”. The rationale for formally linking the two processes was based on national recognition that security is essential for economic development, and on the need to support connections between broader social and economic policies. It was also intended to align government priorities in a way that would streamline resources. This innovative approach faced several challenges; for example, concerns were voiced by some members of government about a “securitization” of the development agenda, particularly with regard to the high costs envisioned for the security package within the PRSP. Despite the challenges, Sierra Leone’s PRSP became the first national document to explicitly acknowledge linkages between security and economic development. In practice, it is also said to
have enhanced the coherence and coordination of SSR support on the part of international donors, by providing a clear framework with which they were able to align themselves.
Source: (Garrasi, Kuttner and Wam, 2009).
In Timor-Leste, the government’s intention was first to develop a national security policy, which would subsequently guide the development of national security legislation. However, following the 2006 security crisis, swift development of the legislation became a priority, so that the roles and responsibilities of the police and defence forces could be more clearly delineated. Legislation and policy thus advanced in parallel: the national security law would be led by the Office of the Prime Minister and Secretary of State for Defence, while national security policy would continue to be developed under the auspices of the Office
of the President and the Secretary of State for Security. In order to ensure links between the two processes, each of the institutions would comment in parallel on the draft law and draft policy. In practice this approach proved challenging; there were limited national resources to lead both processes, and equally limited international resources to support the national effort. Finally, further delays in the policy-making process resulted in the national security law being adopted prior to the national security policy. As a result there was difficulty aligning policy with law, despite the fact that the law did not undergo the same broad consultative process as national security policy. After considerable national effort, law and policy were finally aligned, with a focus on supporting an integrated security sector.
In Liberia, it was decided that the Governance Commission (GC) would lead in the development of national security strategy. The GC, which had been created by the Accra Comprehensive Peace Agreement to promote good governance in the Liberian public sector, resolved to ensure a consultative approach to the development of the strategy. However, this approach was resisted by numerous representatives of government ministries, who feared that including civilians in discussions on national security would
amount to compromising that security.
The leadership provided by the GC was vital in overcoming this challenge. In particular, an effective approach was the South-South dialogue the GC supported, which brought together experts from other countries in the region to share their experiences with similar processes.
This approach proved extremely useful in alleviating fears of undertaking broad national public consultations. The consultation
process then took place across the country and involved traditional chiefs, women, civil society, local authorities, youth and local officials from the United Nations Mission in Liberia. The consultation identified local perceptions of national security threats, which included poverty, unemployment, crime, ethnic tensions and regional insecurity. These concerns were in turn reflected in the national security strategy and resulted in recognition of the need for a wider range of government ministries to support national security provision.
In the Central African Republic, the committee in charge of organizing the “National SSR Seminar” – the Comité Préparatoire
– was supported by UNDP. The Comité
was in charge of research and document preparation, including gathering lessons from the threat assessment and supporting the information and awareness-raising campaign via consultation meetings in Bangui and five provinces. The Comité
was also responsible for practical and logistical arrangements for the seminar. As the Comité
undertook this intensive work, two main challenges emerged. First, staff members were only partially detached from their ministries or civil society organizations. This resulted in a prioritization of their other duties rather than the short-term mission they had been asked to complete within the Comité
Second, a number of the members were very senior – often former ministers – and were therefore reluctant to undertake the large number of (even basic) tasks required by the Comité ’s mandate. UNDP and other international experts assisted the Government in overcoming these challenges: in highlighting the importance of the work of the Comité to high-level political actors, they garnered support for secondments of staff to the Comité .
UNDP also provided training and seconded secretarial staff to the Comité to increase the body’s administrative capacity. The provision of advice and sensitization on the need to carefully consider the membership of such committees paid off when the Secrétariat Technique Permanent (that replaced the Comité Préparatoire following the National SSR Seminar) was assigned full-time staff for its mandate, thus enabling it to fully support implementation of the security sector reform activities agreed at the Seminar.
Development of national security strategy in Liberia stemmed from recognition that the security sector needed reform: challenges in that sector’s governance had to be met, and there were specific issues such as the duplication of mandates between existing security institutions. The actual trigger was the organization by Liberia’s Governance Commission of a policy seminar in 2006 to address the need for more coordinated action in the area of SSR. The participants recognized that a clear strategy would have to rationalize the security sector and clarify the various needs and functions in an overarching framework. The government’s 150-day action plan in 2006 signalled commitment to devising a national security strategy, which was approved in 2008.
In the case of Timor-Leste, there had been references to the need for a national security policy in the national security framework adopted in 2003. However, impetus to move the policy forward developed only after the 2006 national security crisis, which brought to light major weaknesses within the sector. The Secretariat of State for Security was then tasked by the Minister of Defence and Security to develop the policy. However, changes in the government and shifting national priorities affected the political will required to develop the document, which resulted in the process stalling on several occasions. It was only the determination of the Secretariat of State for Security and the Office of the President that allowed the policy development to be revitalized with the creation of an informal national security policy core group. With UN support, this group spearheaded finalization of the draft, which was sent to the Council of Ministers for approval in early 2011.
In partnership with the UN DDR Unit, UNFPA, UNDP and the UN Mission in Sudan (UN 2010) supported DDR interventions to address HIV, promote human development, and provide psychosocial support and reproductive health services. The Mission’s work involved close collaboration with the North and Southern Sudan DDR Commissions, the Sudan Armed Forces, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army and the Sudan National AIDS Programme.
In addition to historical contradictions and inadequacies, implementation of the 2003 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) has further exposed the need to address critical issues in Liberia’s security sector, in order to consolidate the gains of post-conflict reconstruction and to pave the way towards good governance. In view of the role played by ill-governed security institutions in the Liberian civil war, the success and sustainability of rebuilding Liberia will to a large extent depend on the extent to which the security sector is reformed to operate more efficiently and within a framework of effective democratic control. Within this context, a dialogue on SSR would help broaden the constituency of actors working to develop a collective vision of security in Liberia. Moreover, such a dialogue would facilitate the inclusion of debates around the security sector prior to elections, so as to sustain interest on the issue in a post-election reform agenda. Significantly, a dialogue on SSR would serve as a crucial step in bringing voice and accountability into the process of creating an inclusive, locally driven SSR process in Liberia.
Against this background, the Ministry of Justice of Liberia and the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) convened a National Dialogue on Security Sector Reform, which was held in Monrovia 3-4 August 2005. The event was jointly facilitated and funded by the Conflict Security and Development Group (CSDG) of King’s College, University of London; the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD), Lagos, Nigeria; and the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF), Switzerland. The dialogue served as an avenue toward a structured but informal conversation on SSR among relevant stakeholders, including
the United Nations, the transitional legislature, the judiciary, civil society, relevant ministries, civil society, and organizations responsible for implementing reform.
The dialogue was guided by, and sought to provide answers to, the following interrelated
1. What kind of security (and security sector) does Liberia have?
2. What kind of security (and security sector) do Liberians want?
3. What are the necessary key steps for achieving the desired security?
4. Who are the critical actors for attaining such security?
5. How can a locally driven, inclusive and accountable security sector reform process be
Source: Excerpts from Summary Report, cited in Adedeji Ebo, The Challenges and Opportunities of Security Sector Reform
in Liberia, DCAF, Geneva, 2005 (Annex 3, pp. 59–60).
The United Nation’s task mandated by Security Council resolution 1704 of 2006 to assist the Government of Timor-Leste in conducting a comprehensive review of the security sector appeared to have been met by national ambivalence. This is in spite of the fact that the mandate was endorsed by the Prime Minister, who signed the “Security Sector Review in Timor-Leste” project with UNDP in June 2008. Many national interlocutors held the view that the review was a belated and unnecessary exercise, especially given that national review processes such as the Force 2020 defence sector review process were already under way. The word “review” was also seen by some as pejorative. Given the lack of interest and even subtle resistance, it would have been easy at that point to conduct a purely technical review in isolation and move on to the other things in which the government was demonstrably more interested. However, as the review took shape and gained momentum, the United Nations’ integrity of motive became evident. Relevant ministers, secretaries of state and the Council of Ministers did debate and coordinate the review, agreeing and amending as necessary. A further interesting development was the aspect of gender and
the strong backing by the Secretary of State for the Promotion of Equality. Thus, the review began to create its own champions within the government, and that reinforced the point that SSR is essentially a political and transformative process.
The entire process took almost two years, with the requisite detailed planning and timelines. Subsequently, the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT) began drafting the review independently. However, it did manage to engage national partners in the drafting process at a later stage. Following review by relevant government and security sector agencies, the review was ultimately approved by the Council of Ministers in May 2012. The comprehensive review of the security sector featured as a foundation document because it had demonstratively gone through the political process of review and endorsement.
Source: Murray McCullough and John Symons, Security Sector Support Unit, UNMIT.
The Customary Law Report is the first of its kind to assess customary justice practices among the 49 officially recognized ethnic groups in Lao PDR and is a step forward in incorporating customary practices into the overall legal system, a key requirement in establishing a rule of law state by 2020.
To view this publication, please follow this link.
This handbook is a result of the special initiative on Public Finance Management launched by the Director General in 2004. It underlines the importance of PFM for poverty reduction and gives concrete advise on how PFM issues can be handled in the development cooperation.
La réforme du secteur de sécurité (RSS) est un concept récent, encore largement inconnu du grand public. De fait, son origine anglo-saxonne n’a pas facilité son introduction dans la pensée francophone ; son acceptation est encore jusqu’ici problématique et empreinte de méﬁance culturelle et de scepticisme.
Veuillez suivre ce lien afin de lire ce publication.
The Government of Liberia with the support of the international community, has made considerable progress towards the implementation of its reform agenda, through the following documents: the Results Focused Transitional Framework (RFTF), the Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS 2008-2011), Government of Liberia and UNMIL Transition Plan and the Agenda for Transformation (AfT 2013- ). This process is enhancing internal and external security, revitalizing the economy, restoring the rule of law, and improving basic social service delivery. The authority of the State is increasing with the deployment of the Police, justice and prosecution services, customs and immigration services and offices of the Ministry of Internal Affairs through its Decentralization Plan. However, Liberia still faces several crucial institutional challenges, in particular justice and security sectors. Within the framework of Security Sector Reform (SSR) and peace building in Liberia, UNDP established a Justice and Security Trust Fund for the Liberia National Police (LNP), Bureau for Immigration and Naturalization (BIN) and the Bureau for Corrections and Rehabilitation (BCR). The Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL) excluded from the Fund, as the CPA of 2003 mandated the US and ECOWAS to rebuild the AFL. To consolidate the SSR process the UN is assisting the Government to recruit a senior SSR Advisor to assist the Office of the National Security Advisor to coordinate all SSR processes in and out of Government. Being channelled through the Office of the UN Resident Coordinator to support SSR initiatives, the SSR Advisor in the Office of the RC has been established to provide high quality advice for specific activities.
IMPACT OF RESULTS:
Development and Operational Effectiveness
Management and Leadership
FC: 11888 and 04000To view this application, please follow this link.