Bienvenu sur la Communité des praticiens (CdP) de l'ISSAT sur la réforme de la sécurité et la justice. L'objectif de la CdP est de permettre aux praticiens de la RSS d'accéder facilement à l'ensemble du savoir réuni par la communauté, et de leur offrir un environnement dans lequel ils pourront travailler conjointement et continuellement à la promotion des bonnes pratiques en matière de RSS.Savoir plus.
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24/04/2013 22:12
Peru is the single largest producer of cocaine in the world. It's also an incredibly safe country.
ROBERT MUGGAH AND JEREMY MCDERMOTTAPR 24 2013, 12:30 PM ETAnti-narcotics police chemists test cocaine from a bag before its incineration in Lima on April 18, 2013. (Enrique Castro-Mendivil/Reuters)
Peru is the single largest producer and exporter of cocaine in the world. And after decades of foreign-funded eradication efforts in the country, the industry is thriving. Most of the estimated 325 tons of the stuff produced each year is making its way to Brazilian and European markets, earning Peruvian organized crime well over $1 billion annually. By the time this hits the streets in Rio, it is worth five times that amount. Get it to London and you can multiply that figure tenfold. And because Peru enjoys economic growth that Europe can only dream of, its domestic drug market is expanding, promising yet more problems down the road.
The Peruvian authorities are worried about crime. Under increasing public pressure, President Ollanta Humala has made citizen security one of the center-pieces of his government. And with good reason: the drug trade alone is cause for concern, but the illegal gold-mining industry earns almost three times as much as the drug business. Put into the mix human trafficking, the trade in illicit timber, and the trafficking of Peruvian antiquities, the earnings for organized crime in the country add up to at least $5 billion a year, perhaps closer to $7 billion. This kind of cash has a corrosive effect on government institutions, including the armed forces, police, and customs and immigration officials.
But little is known about the scale or nature of organized crime in Peru. What experts do agree is that repression, interdiction, and coca eradication are not working out as planned, and that the dynamics of the drug trade have changed. Instead of feeding the once-insatiable U.S. market, Peru may now account for as little as five percent of the estimated 300 tons of cocaine Americans snort. Now Brazil, the world's second-biggest market, sucks up much of Peruvian drug production, often not as cocaine but its more addictive and cheaper variants, crack or "bazuco."
Most law enforcement specialists believe that locals run the production and local transportation of cocaine, while Colombian and Mexican intermediaries manage exports, with the recent appearance of the Russian mob to shake things up a bit. The business is supposedly straight-forward. Hundreds of campesinos (farmers) grow the crop, mainly in central and northern Peru. The cocaleros sell the coca leaf or coca base to clanes (small criminal groups often based around families), who ship either coca base or processed cocaine, to a handful of firmas (Peruvian organized crime syndicates), which shift the drugs to departure points (airports, seaports, and border areas) ready to move to Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Brazil. While some Peruvian capos (drug lords) are known to operate in neighboring countries, groups like the Sinaloa cartel and the Russian mob generally handle export.
In spite of government rhetoric to the contrary, organized crime seems to growing unmolested. Virtually no serious players are known to have been arrested or prosecuted for drug running. The one big case working its way through the courts at the moment, involving the notorious Sanchez Paredes clan, looks set to collapse. To add insult to impunity, former President Alan Garcia pardoned some 400 drug traffickers during his second term of office, citing overcrowded jails. And current President Humala also pardoned as many as 100 criminals convicted of trafficking since his election in 2011.
***
There is remarkably little concern in Peru over all of this. Peruvians are far more worried about the common crime that touches their daily lives, than the organized crime that has shown itself capable of corrupting the police, prosecutors, judges, and it seems, presidents. And this is because, unlike in Colombia and Mexico, the drug trade involves very little violence. While popular perceptions of insecurity are rising slightly, Peru is widely considered one of the safest countries in South America.
There are at least two possible explanations for this paradox.
The first is that analysts (including the present authors) are completely misreading the situation. In other words, it could very well be that there is considerable violence between producers, dealers and exporters as they compete over market share. The fact is that it is almost impossible to know one way or another. There is no reliable baseline data on the situation and even the most basic figures are wildly inconsistent. For example, the Ministry of the Interior claims that there are 10,000 homicides each year, while the National Police argue that there are just 3,000.
A second possibility is that there is in fact complicity in the drug trade at the highest levels. This would imply that political, economic, and criminal elites are managing competition peacefully. It would also follow that there are pacts also negotiated between campesinos, clanes, firmas, and capos , as well as the foreign cartels. High rates of corruption in government would of course ensure limited interference in illicit business. Since there is so much illegal money washing around there is no need to fight for it, there is more than enough to go around. There may also be no need to resort to violence if bribes will work. One hardened, and frustrated, police veteran once commented that the plomo (lead) is seldom needed, as plata (silver) always does the job.
Whichever interpretation is right, the fact remains that Peru faces the almost certain prospect of a dangerous escalation of organized crime and criminal violence. After radically reducing its support to Peru in recent years, the United States has instead concentrated its attention on Colombia, Central America, and Mexico. Not surprisingly, Peru has sought to step-up alternative partnerships, particularly with Brazil, the main consumer of Peruvian drugs and the regional giant. In the past decade, Peru has signed more than 60 conventions to formalize intelligence, defense, police and judicial cooperation with Brazil, France, Russia, Spain and the United Kingdom, among others. Rather than asking for more funds, Peru is requesting technical and training support to improve the quality of its law enforcement sector. The government also recently spent some $400 million on attack helicopters.
Experts hope that the Peruvian authorities will balance muscular law and order activities with prevention programs, including alternative development.
If history is any guide, a heavy fist may only make matters worse.
The next International Summer Academy on Peacebuilding & Intercultural Dialogue by Institute for Peace and Dialogue, IPD will take place in Vienna, Austria during the 1-11 September.
The main goal of the summer academy is to support institutional academic peace education and strengthen peace-building skills and intercultural dialogue of international society.
Contact Person for sending application documents
Fakhrinur Huseynli
Director of IPD
Institute for Peace & Dialogue, IPD
Address: Apostelgasse 17/20, Wien, Austria
Tel.: +43 6604947601
E-mail: fhuseynli@ipdinstitute.at
www.ipdinstitute.at
Documents needed:
This paper is a summary of the discussions which took place at the roundtable event on 'Rebuilding Yemen: Roadmap for a National Dialogue’ held at Chatham House on 14 March 2012. The meeting brought together key Yemen Forum stakeholders, including academics, journalists, private-sector representatives, NGOs and members of the UK-based Yemeni diaspora. The discussion addressed two of the major challenges Yemen currently faces: the ‘Southern question’; and developing a ‘national dialogue’ process as stipulated by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) agreement.
Click here to see the pdf at Chatham House:
http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/public/Research/Middle%20East/0312yf_summary.pdf
This web-based application portal consolidates information on Fragile States, providing a one-stop-shop platform to navigate these indicators and their documents and offer customized tools for data management, analysis and display. The AfDB Fragile States Portal (FSP) features visually-compelling interactive maps, insightful and informative reports and an analytical interface to view data in one user-friendly platform.
The Fragile States featured in this Portal are the ones eligible to the AfDB Fragile States Facility.
The portal provides comprehensive guidance on economic and social data for fragile state economies from various institutions and public and private sources as well as AfDB project and research sources. Factors leading to fragility such as structural and economic factors; political and institutional factors, social factors and international factors are included.
The availability of this information aims at facilitating the Bank and other stakeholders to make strategic choices and define overall objectives. We trust the indicators included in this Portal will assist users in monitoring the impact of statebuilding interventions and measuring progress for the accountability of governments toward their citizens as well as development partners. Defining goals, setting timelines, and establishing performance benchmarks represent political commitments and need to be appropriate to the context. Monitoring and evaluation indicators need to account for the long time frames involved in any fragile or conflict-affected setting.
The International Centre for Parliamentary Studies is proud to announce that the Professional Certificate in International Security will take place from 11th - 15th November 2013 in London, UK.
International security is a key concern for all states given that local criminality, transnational criminal organisations and terrorists flourish where there is weak rule of law, a lack of adequate border control, entrenched corruption and poorly trained officials. The combination is extremely difficult to tackle in states with limited resources and as a result, individual states and international organisations each have a crucial role to play in ensuring citizens' safety and well being.
Past participants have benefited greatly from this high-level programmeand are now able to better recognise the contexts in which destabilising conditions can arise and to determine practical, implementable ways of tackling these problems before they cause social and economic crises or regional friction.
This certificate is accredited by the Chartered Management Institute, the leading body that awards internationally recognised management and leadership qualification.
For further information please visit the website.
Until 24th July 2013 there is an early registration rate of £2450 (registration after 24th July is £2950). If you wish to attend this certificated programme please register online now or contact us on +44 (0) 20 3137 8640 to secure your delegate place(s).
The annual Christmas lecture to the Royal United Services Institute by General Sir David Richards GCB CBE DSO ADC Gen, Chief of the Defence Staff, UK Ministry of Defence.
This 2012 lecture elaborates on how the new Joint Forces Command and the changes in the armed forces as a result of the 2010 National Security Strategy (NSS) and the Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDSR) will need to adapt to contingency operations and to more steady-state defence engagement as a means of conflict prevention, especially after the withdrawal of combat troops from Afghanistan in 2014. This will include military contributions to Security Sector Reform as part of the joint Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO)/Ministry of Defence (MOD) Defence Engagement Strategy.
Read the transcript at http://www.rusi.org/cdslectures
Following the adoption of the African Union’s Security Sector Reform Policy Framework (AU-SSRPF) by the 20th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the Union in January 2013, the ASSN has signed a Grant Support Agreement with the UN Office of Project Services (UNOPS) to develop a number of guidance tools and other instruments to support the implementation of the AU-SSRPF. A copy of the TOR can be viewed online at africansecuritynetwork.org. UNOPS support is within the framework of the project "Building AU Capacities in SSR - A Joint UN/EU Support Action", which seeks “to build African Union capacities in the key peacebuilding area of SSR through a partnership between the African Union, the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations and the European Union with the aim of better positioning the AU to support national authorities with effective SSR implementation to advance social justice and sustainable peace”. ASSN’s role is consistent with the tripartite agreement between the UN, AU, and ASSN, requiring ASSN to provide technical support to this project.
The ASSN seeks duly qualified individuals/consultants to lead respectively on the following:
This assignment is expected to be process-driven, and both consultative and collaborative in approach. The lead consultant’s work will be supported by a small technical team and a larger reference group of key experts and representatives of stakeholder institutions. There will be at least one consultation workshop to review initial drafts and (where necessary) recommend revisions.
The consultant will be responsible for:
The successful candidate will work with the technical team to develop a detailed implementation plan for approval by ASSN management.
It is expected that the successful candidate will have
Competency in one or more AU languages in addition to English would be an advantage but is not a requirement.
The work assignment will commence immediately an appropriate candidate is identified, or as soon thereafter as feasible.
Please submit a current CV and an expression of interest detailing qualifications and experience by email to info@africansecuritynetwork.org or by regular mail to
Elom Khaunbiow,
African Security Sector Network (ASSN),
27 Kofi Annan Avenue,
North Legon, Accra, Ghana,
P.O. Box AF2457, Adenta, Accra, Ghana
CLOSING DATE: 20 May 2013
Access to justice is a tool for the most socially and economically marginalised groups to defend their human rights. In this sense, access to justice is a genuine development opportunity for those populations and an important factor in the fight against poverty, particularly in countries emerging from conflict or in developing countries.
As a unique platform for a sector which is still under-explored in the fight against poverty, the conference offers an opportunity to contribute to the agenda of the Millennium Development Goals for the period after 2015.
Conference information and registration on http://www.asf.be/justice2015.
Given the limited number of places, registration for the conference is required.
All discussions and lectures of the conference will be in English and French with simultaneous interpretation.
Contact: + 32 (0)2 223 37 82 - communication@asf.be.
This document outlines comparative resource material on security, defense and interior parliamentary committees. The material is divided according to: established democracies, near and middle-eastern democracies, and post-conflict democracies. The "established democracies" category has quite a few committee Terms of Reference, including from the US, the UK, Switzerland, Australia and France; Also included are some rules of procedure, some of which outline more generally what committees do and how they function. Providing the broader context is generally very useful for an establishing parliament. The near and middle-eastern section sought to draw on Arab parliaments. Many of these countries do not have security-related committees, because oversight, particularly of the security sector, is not always sanctioned; some parliaments simply don't have websites; and a number are only in Arabic. Nevertheless, there are a few that are available, including from Turkey and Iraq.
There are also a few examples from post-conflict countries, given the sensitivities to security in such transitions. Here there is quite a bit, particularly from the Balkans. Also included are some secondary sources and case studies. A section on the "Role of Parliaments in Overseeing the Security Sector," is a collection of secondary sources that are very relevant to security-related committees. These include materials from DCAF, the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), UNDP and a couple of others. There are some good case studies from Palestine and Iraq, among others. There is a book chapter about parliamentary oversight of the security sector in Afghanistan (DCAF publication), which has a focus on committees as well as a more general description of how parliaments can exercise oversight of the security sector.
The IPU is a particularly useful website with a comparative database of parliaments around the world and a webpage where parliamentary websites from around the world are made easily accessible on one page. IPU' PARLINE database contains information on the structure and working methods of 266 parliamentary chambers in all of the 189 countries that have a parliament.
Plus d’une décennie de conflits incessants, des millions de victimes, un état déliquescent, une partition territoriale de fait… Devant un tableau aussi sombre, peu auraient parié, il y a cinq ans, sur la possibilité d’initier un processus de pacification régionale et de reconstruction de l’état congolais. En dépit de redoutables difficultés, depuis la signature à Sun City, le 2 avril 2003, de l’Acte final du dialogue intercongolais, le Congo n’a pourtant cessé d’avancer dans la bonne direction. Bon an mal an, avec le soutien de l’ONU et des bailleurs de fonds internationaux, les Congolais ont traversé avec succès le parcours d’obstacles qui débuta par une longue et périlleuse phase de transition pour s’achever par l’organisation des élections législatives et présidentielles en 2006. Entre-temps, une nouvelle constitution avait été adoptée qui modifiait profondément les structures de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC). Le choix du constituant congolais en faveur d’un état fortement décentralisé constitue à cet égard une évolution décisive de l’organisation politique et administrative de la RDC. Cette orientation institutionnelle – qui transforme la RDC en un état fédéral qui ne dit pas son nom – résulte autant de considérations pragmatiques que d’un rapport de force politique entre « centralisateurs » et « décentralisateurs ». Quoi qu’il en soit, l’état des institutions publiques congolaises interdit de raisonner en terme de réforme de l’état. La tâche à laquelle s’attèlent les acteurs politiques de la RDC consiste plutôt à la reconstruction par le bas de fonctions étatiques qui avaient, pour l’essentiel, disparu depuis longtemps. L’importance des enjeux ne laisse pas d’autre choix aux Congolais que de réussir ce défi. Certains indices laissent penser qu’une prise de conscience est en cours. Il n’en demeure pas moins que les risques sont à la hauteur des enjeux. Ce rapport s’efforce de synthétiser les uns et les autres, sans oublier de poser la question de l’adaptation des partenaires internationaux de la RDC – Belgique en tête – à la nouvelle architecture institutionnelle congolaise.
Pour lire la suite de ce dossier, veuillez cliquer ici.
Du 14 au 17 avril 2008, la République centrafricaine a connu un événement qui a été qualifié d’historique par ses participants, la tenue d’un séminaire national sur la réforme du secteur de la sécurité. Pour la première fois de son histoire, le pays a en effet vibré au rythme d’une discussion et d’une analyse fouillée sur un sujet des plus sensibles dans un contexte de sortie de conflit récent : celui du secteur de sa sécurité, et des réformes qu’il requiert à court, moyen et long termes.
Pour lire la suite de ce dossier, veuillez cliquer ici.
The project supports Albanian State Police to enhance their level of cooperation and partnership with the communities and other civilian actors in order to improve the services and increase the feeling of safety in the community. The project is focused primarily into three major components: 1) Development of a Performance Management System of the police with input from the society groups regarding their level of satisfcation and safety; 2) Promoting Police partnerships with civilian actors and especially with the youth; 3) Combatting domestic violence. In addition, the project is implementing a Small Grants Scheme mainly on partnership building. The project has started implementation in March 2012 and will run until March 2015, with a total funding of about 2,8 Mil. Euros. The implementing agency is SIPU International AB, a Swedish consultancy firm which cooperates closely with the Albanian Ministry of Interior, Albanian State Police and other important stakeholders.
This report was commissioned by the UK Department for International Development in order to explore the linkages between security-sector reform and transformation, including downsizing of the Palestine National Security Forces, at a time of political instability, on the one hand, and fiscal stabilisation and financial management over the medium term under conditions of significant economic uncertainty, on the other hand.
To view this publication, please follow this link.
Cette étude de case fait partie d'un programme de recherche entrepris par le Groupe Sectoriel sur la Sécurité du consortium Initiative for Peacebuilding (IfP). L'étude de cas sur la Réforme de Secteur de Sécurité (RSS) au Burundi et la pratique des bailleurs publié lors de la première phase de ce programme de recherche a relevé que "dans la grande majorité des cas, il n'existe pas de recours automatiques à des mécanismes de pris de prise en compte des besoins et des préoccupations des communautés au sein des programmes RSS des acteurs internationaux." La présente étude de cas vise donc à creuses davantage ce constat, à étudier le contexte particulier du Burundi et à éclairer les opportunités, défis et obstacles auxquels l'UE et ses états membres actifs dans le renforcement du secteur de sécurité et la justice font face par rapport à l'implication des communautés à la base et de la société civile dans la programmation.
Afin de lire cette publication, veuillez suivre ce lien.
The IHEDN (Institut des Hautes Etudes de la Défense Nationale), the French interdepartmental training centre on security, defence, political and strategic issues, organised a one-day training event for which they requested ISSAT support.
This training course focused on civilian crisis management, and is intended for participants from across the French government not necessarily engaged in security issues. The course addressed various questions such as DDR, rule of law, civil society support, and SSR. The educational approach was be both theoretical and practical, based on cases studies and lessons learned.
| Track | Title | Description |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | Inside the International Criminal Court:The Court | The history of the ICC and how it came into being Play now Inside the International Criminal Court:The Court |
| 2 | Inside the International Criminal Court :The Offices | An in depth look at each of the 4 departments of the ICC: the presidency, the judicial divisions the office of the prosecutor and the registry. Play now Inside the International Criminal Court :The Offices |
| 3 | Inside the International Criminal Court: The Barristers | QCs and barristers talking about their job prosecuting or defending at the ICC Play now Inside the International Criminal Court: The Barristers |
| 4 | Inside the International Criminal Court: Thomas Lubanga case study | Tackling the case of Thomas Lubanga from the Congo Play now Inside the International Criminal Court: Thomas Lubanga case study |
| 5 | Inside the International Criminal Court: Saif al-Islam Gaddafi case study | Looks at the case of Saif al islam Gaddafi Play now |
The Delivery of Justice Project is an initiative of the consortium Oxfam Novib, TISCO of Tilburg University and local legal aid organisations in Cambodia, Eg...
Dans le cadre du Mémorandum d’Entente entre le Burundi et le Royaume des Pays Bas signé en Avril 2009 dans l’objectif du Développement du Secteur de la Sécurité (DSS), il a été mise en place un programme de Gouvernance du Secteur de la Sécurité au Burundi, qui est un volet transversal, en plus de deux autres Unités d’appui à la Police et à l’Armée des mêmes programmes DSS.
Le mémorandum d’entente burundo-néerlandais de 2009 prévoit it un suivi du secteur de sécurité par des organisations de la société civile (production des rapports périodiques sur le SS). Il est prévu un atelier de trois jours sur le« Renforcement des capacités des Organisations de la Société Civile et des autres acteurs non étatiques en synergie engagés dans la gouvernance du secteur de sécurité,du 29 au 31 Mai 2013. A cet effet, le programme DSS souhaite recruter un Consultant International pour mener ledit atelier selon les termes de refeerence annexé à cet appel à candidature.
Modérateur: Dr. Michal Mlynár, Ambassadeur de Slovaquie à Nairobi et Président du Comité de direction de l'ISSAT
Intervenants:
Madame l'Ambassadrice Sahle-Work Zewde, Directrice Générale de l'Office des Nations Unies à Nairobi (ONUN)
Madame l’Ambassadrice Nancy Kirui, CBS, Secrétaire Permanent, Ministère d’Etat de la défense, Kenya
Modérateur: M. Gabriel Negatu, Directeur régional du Centre de ressources pour l'Afrique de l'Est, Banque africaine de développement (BAD))
Intervenants:
Dr. Julius T. Rotich, Secrétaire Général Adjoint de la Communauté d’Afrique de l’Est (EAC) chargé de la Fédération Politique
M. David W. Njoka, Directeur des Affaires Politiques, Ministère pour la Communauté d'Afrique de l'Est, Kenya
Commandant Abebe Muluneh Beyene, Directeur du Programme du Secteur de la sécurité de l’IGAD (ISSP)
Dr. Medhane Tadesse Gebresilassie, Conseiller principal du Réseau Africain du Secteur de la Sécurité (ASSN) auprès de l’Union Africaine
Modérateur: Dr. Mark Downes, Directeur de l’Equipe internationale de conseil au secteur de la sécurité (ISSAT) au Centre pour le contrôle démocratique des forces armées – Genève (DCAF)
Intervenants:
M. Joel Hellman, Directeur du Centre mondial sur les conflits, la sécurité et le développement de la Banque mondiale
M. Aeneas Chuma,Coordonnateur résident des Nations Unies et Représentant résident du PNUD au Kenya
Professeur Eboe Hutchful, Président du Réseau Africain du Secteur de la Sécurité (ASSN)
Dr. Serge Rumin, Directeur du Programme de Développement du Secteur de la Sécurité, Protocole d’entente entre le Burundi et les Pays-Bas
Modérateur: Professeur Eboe Hutchful, Président du Réseau Africain du Secteur de la Sécurité (ASSN)
Intervenants:
Monsieur l’Ambassadeur Antoine Ntamobwa, Directeur général des affaires nord-américaines du Ministère des Relations extérieures et de la coopération internationale, Burundi
Dr. Norman Mlambo, point focal pour la RSS, Union africaine
Brigadier Général Kellie Conteh, Conseiller de la MINUSS auprès du Ministère de la Sécurité nationale, Soudan du Sud
Modérateur: Monsieur l’Ambassadeur Augustine Mahiga, Représentant Spécial du Secrétaire Général des Nations Unies pour la Somalie et Chef du Bureau Politique des Nations Unies en Somalie (UNPOS)
Intervenants:
Colonel Mohammed Jama, Conseiller Militaire Stratégique du Chef d’état-major de la Somalie
M. Hussein Arab Isse, ancien Vice-Premier ministre et Ministre de la défense, membre du Gouvernement Fédéral de la Somalie
Mme. Hanan Ibrahim, Directrice de ‘African Initiative for African Women’
Brigadier Général Abdihakim Dahir Sa’id, Chef de la police adjoint, Somalie
Modérateur: M. Stephen Jackson, Chef de Cabinet du Bureau des Nations Unies au Burundi (BNUB
Intervenants:
Général Major Silas Ntigurirwa, Secrétaire Permanent, Ministère de la Défense Nationale et des Anciens Combattants
M. Maurice Mbonimpa, Secrétaire Permanent, Ministère de la Sécurité Publique
M. Charles Ndayiziga, Directeur, Centre d’Alerte de Prévention des Conflits (CENAP)
Modérateur: Mme. Hilde Johnson, Représentante Spéciale du Secrétaire Général des Nations Unies pour le Soudan du Sud et Chef de la Mission des Nations Unies au Soudan du Sud (MINUSS)
Intervenants:
Général Oyay Deng Ajak, Ministre de la Sécurité nationale, Soudan du Sud
M. Edmund Yakani, Coordinateur, Community Empowerment for Progress Organisation (CEPO), Soudan du Sud
Lieutenant Général (Ret) Gebretsadkan Gebretensae, Directeur exécutif, Centre for Policy Research and Dialogue (CPRD)
Modérateur: Général Lamine Cissé, ancien Chef d’état-major Général des Armées et ancien Ministre de l’intérieur du Sénégal, ancien Représentant Spécial du Secrétaire Général des Nations Unies et chef du Bureau des Nations Unies en République Centrafricaine (BONUCA), et ancien Représentant Spécial du Secrétaire Général des Nations Unies pour l’Afrique de l’Ouest, Bureau des Nations Unies en Afrique de l’Ouest (UNOWA)
Intervenants:
M. Dmitry Titov,Sous-Secrétaire général de l’ONU à l’état de droit et aux institutions chargées de la sécurité, Département des opérations de maintien de la paix.
Dr. Tarek A. Sharif, Chef de division défense et sécurité du Département paix et sécurité, Union Africaine
M. Gabriel Negatu, Directeur régional du Centre de ressources pour l'Afrique de l'Est, Banque africaine de développement (BAD)
Discours d’ouverture:
Madame l'Ambassadrice Sahle-Work Zewde,Directrice générale de l'Office des Nations Unies à Nairobi (ONUN)
M. Judah Katoo Ole Metito, Député, Ministre d'Etat pour l'administration provinciale et la sécurité intérieure, Kenya
Public outreach and dialogue on a grassroots level have been high priorities throughout the development of the Kosovo Internal Security Sector Review (ISSR). The campaign included widely publicized press conferences and debates, and the dissemination of publications to raise awareness of security issues as well as of the actual ISSR process and the role the population could play. Public input was then collected through public opinion surveys, comment boxes and questionnaires.
A key component here was the innovative approach of a “Have Your Say” bus, which travelled throughout Kosovo in urban and rural zones gathering information on threats. This carefully planned and targeted approach resulted in confidence building among the general population and facilitated the sharing of fears and expectations with the project team. Contrary to what was expected, the main threats identified by the population related to employment and the economy, rather than ethnic tensions or external dangers. This finding was integrated into the Review, which today is still considered one of the key reference documents for security issues in Kosovo.
In Sierra Leone, a decision was made to link efforts to develop national security policy to the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP). The national security sector review, which was designed to serve as the basis for national security policy, was therefore merged with a central strategic pillar of the PRSP on “promotion of good governance, security and peacebuilding”. The rationale for formally linking the two processes was based on national recognition that security is essential for economic development, and on the need to support connections between broader social and economic policies. It was also intended to align government priorities in a way that would streamline resources. This innovative approach faced several challenges; for example, concerns were voiced by some members of government about a “securitization” of the development agenda, particularly with regard to the high costs envisioned for the security package within the PRSP. Despite the challenges, Sierra Leone’s PRSP became the first national document to explicitly acknowledge linkages between security and economic development. In practice, it is also said to
have enhanced the coherence and coordination of SSR support on the part of international donors, by providing a clear framework with which they were able to align themselves.
Source: (Garrasi, Kuttner and Wam, 2009).
In Timor-Leste, the government’s intention was first to develop a national security policy, which would subsequently guide the development of national security legislation. However, following the 2006 security crisis, swift development of the legislation became a priority, so that the roles and responsibilities of the police and defence forces could be more clearly delineated. Legislation and policy thus advanced in parallel: the national security law would be led by the Office of the Prime Minister and Secretary of State for Defence, while national security policy would continue to be developed under the auspices of the Office
of the President and the Secretary of State for Security. In order to ensure links between the two processes, each of the institutions would comment in parallel on the draft law and draft policy. In practice this approach proved challenging; there were limited national resources to lead both processes, and equally limited international resources to support the national effort. Finally, further delays in the policy-making process resulted in the national security law being adopted prior to the national security policy. As a result there was difficulty aligning policy with law, despite the fact that the law did not undergo the same broad consultative process as national security policy. After considerable national effort, law and policy were finally aligned, with a focus on supporting an integrated security sector.
In Liberia, it was decided that the Governance Commission (GC) would lead in the development of national security strategy. The GC, which had been created by the Accra Comprehensive Peace Agreement to promote good governance in the Liberian public sector, resolved to ensure a consultative approach to the development of the strategy. However, this approach was resisted by numerous representatives of government ministries, who feared that including civilians in discussions on national security would
amount to compromising that security.
The leadership provided by the GC was vital in overcoming this challenge. In particular, an effective approach was the South-South dialogue the GC supported, which brought together experts from other countries in the region to share their experiences with similar processes.
This approach proved extremely useful in alleviating fears of undertaking broad national public consultations. The consultation
process then took place across the country and involved traditional chiefs, women, civil society, local authorities, youth and local officials from the United Nations Mission in Liberia. The consultation identified local perceptions of national security threats, which included poverty, unemployment, crime, ethnic tensions and regional insecurity. These concerns were in turn reflected in the national security strategy and resulted in recognition of the need for a wider range of government ministries to support national security provision.
In the Central African Republic, the committee in charge of organizing the “National SSR Seminar” – the Comité Préparatoire
– was supported by UNDP. The Comité
was in charge of research and document preparation, including gathering lessons from the threat assessment and supporting the information and awareness-raising campaign via consultation meetings in Bangui and five provinces. The Comité
was also responsible for practical and logistical arrangements for the seminar. As the Comité
undertook this intensive work, two main challenges emerged. First, staff members were only partially detached from their ministries or civil society organizations. This resulted in a prioritization of their other duties rather than the short-term mission they had been asked to complete within the Comité
.
Second, a number of the members were very senior – often former ministers – and were therefore reluctant to undertake the large number of (even basic) tasks required by the Comité
’s mandate. UNDP and other international experts assisted the Government in overcoming these challenges: in highlighting the importance of the work of the Comité
to high-level political actors, they garnered support for secondments of staff to the Comité
.
UNDP also provided training and seconded secretarial staff to the Comité to increase the body’s administrative capacity. The provision of advice and sensitization on the need to carefully consider the membership of such committees paid off when the Secrétariat Technique Permanent (that replaced the Comité Préparatoire following the National SSR Seminar) was assigned full-time staff for its mandate, thus enabling it to fully support implementation of the security sector reform activities agreed at the Seminar.
Development of national security strategy in Liberia stemmed from recognition that the security sector needed reform: challenges in that sector’s governance had to be met, and there were specific issues such as the duplication of mandates between existing security institutions. The actual trigger was the organization by Liberia’s Governance Commission of a policy seminar in 2006 to address the need for more coordinated action in the area of SSR. The participants recognized that a clear strategy would have to rationalize the security sector and clarify the various needs and functions in an overarching framework. The government’s 150-day action plan in 2006 signalled commitment to devising a national security strategy, which was approved in 2008.
In the case of Timor-Leste, there had been references to the need for a national security policy in the national security framework adopted in 2003. However, impetus to move the policy forward developed only after the 2006 national security crisis, which brought to light major weaknesses within the sector. The Secretariat of State for Security was then tasked by the Minister of Defence and Security to develop the policy. However, changes in the government and shifting national priorities affected the political will required to develop the document, which resulted in the process stalling on several occasions. It was only the determination of the Secretariat of State for Security and the Office of the President that allowed the policy development to be revitalized with the creation of an informal national security policy core group. With UN support, this group spearheaded finalization of the draft, which was sent to the Council of Ministers for approval in early 2011.
In partnership with the UN DDR Unit, UNFPA, UNDP and the UN Mission in Sudan (UN 2010) supported DDR interventions to address HIV, promote human development, and provide psychosocial support and reproductive health services. The Mission’s work involved close collaboration with the North and Southern Sudan DDR Commissions, the Sudan Armed Forces, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army and the Sudan National AIDS Programme.
Activities included:
In addition to historical contradictions and inadequacies, implementation of the 2003 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) has further exposed the need to address critical issues in Liberia’s security sector, in order to consolidate the gains of post-conflict reconstruction and to pave the way towards good governance. In view of the role played by ill-governed security institutions in the Liberian civil war, the success and sustainability of rebuilding Liberia will to a large extent depend on the extent to which the security sector is reformed to operate more efficiently and within a framework of effective democratic control. Within this context, a dialogue on SSR would help broaden the constituency of actors working to develop a collective vision of security in Liberia. Moreover, such a dialogue would facilitate the inclusion of debates around the security sector prior to elections, so as to sustain interest on the issue in a post-election reform agenda. Significantly, a dialogue on SSR would serve as a crucial step in bringing voice and accountability into the process of creating an inclusive, locally driven SSR process in Liberia.
Against this background, the Ministry of Justice of Liberia and the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) convened a National Dialogue on Security Sector Reform, which was held in Monrovia 3-4 August 2005. The event was jointly facilitated and funded by the Conflict Security and Development Group (CSDG) of King’s College, University of London; the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD), Lagos, Nigeria; and the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF), Switzerland. The dialogue served as an avenue toward a structured but informal conversation on SSR among relevant stakeholders, including
the United Nations, the transitional legislature, the judiciary, civil society, relevant ministries, civil society, and organizations responsible for implementing reform.
The dialogue was guided by, and sought to provide answers to, the following interrelated
questions:
1. What kind of security (and security sector) does Liberia have?
2. What kind of security (and security sector) do Liberians want?
3. What are the necessary key steps for achieving the desired security?
4. Who are the critical actors for attaining such security?
5. How can a locally driven, inclusive and accountable security sector reform process be
achieved?
Source: Excerpts from Summary Report, cited in Adedeji Ebo, The Challenges and Opportunities of Security Sector Reform
in Liberia, DCAF, Geneva, 2005 (Annex 3, pp. 59–60).
The United Nation’s task mandated by Security Council resolution 1704 of 2006 to assist the Government of Timor-Leste in conducting a comprehensive review of the security sector appeared to have been met by national ambivalence. This is in spite of the fact that the mandate was endorsed by the Prime Minister, who signed the “Security Sector Review in Timor-Leste” project with UNDP in June 2008. Many national interlocutors held the view that the review was a belated and unnecessary exercise, especially given that national review processes such as the Force 2020 defence sector review process were already under way. The word “review” was also seen by some as pejorative. Given the lack of interest and even subtle resistance, it would have been easy at that point to conduct a purely technical review in isolation and move on to the other things in which the government was demonstrably more interested. However, as the review took shape and gained momentum, the United Nations’ integrity of motive became evident. Relevant ministers, secretaries of state and the Council of Ministers did debate and coordinate the review, agreeing and amending as necessary. A further interesting development was the aspect of gender and
the strong backing by the Secretary of State for the Promotion of Equality. Thus, the review began to create its own champions within the government, and that reinforced the point that SSR is essentially a political and transformative process.
The entire process took almost two years, with the requisite detailed planning and timelines. Subsequently, the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT) began drafting the review independently. However, it did manage to engage national partners in the drafting process at a later stage. Following review by relevant government and security sector agencies, the review was ultimately approved by the Council of Ministers in May 2012. The comprehensive review of the security sector featured as a foundation document because it had demonstratively gone through the political process of review and endorsement.
Source: Murray McCullough and John Symons, Security Sector Support Unit, UNMIT.
The Customary Law Report is the first of its kind to assess customary justice practices among the 49 officially recognized ethnic groups in Lao PDR and is a step forward in incorporating customary practices into the overall legal system, a key requirement in establishing a rule of law state by 2020.
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This handbook is a result of the special initiative on Public Finance Management launched by the Director General in 2004. It underlines the importance of PFM for poverty reduction and gives concrete advise on how PFM issues can be handled in the development cooperation.
La réforme du secteur de sécurité (RSS) est un concept récent, encore largement inconnu du grand public. De fait, son origine anglo-saxonne n’a pas facilité son introduction dans la pensée francophone ; son acceptation est encore jusqu’ici problématique et empreinte de méfiance culturelle et de scepticisme.
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The Government of Liberia with the support of the international community, has made considerable progress towards the implementation of its reform agenda, through the following documents: the Results Focused Transitional Framework (RFTF), the Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS 2008-2011), Government of Liberia and UNMIL Transition Plan and the Agenda for Transformation (AfT 2013- ). This process is enhancing internal and external security, revitalizing the economy, restoring the rule of law, and improving basic social service delivery. The authority of the State is increasing with the deployment of the Police, justice and prosecution services, customs and immigration services and offices of the Ministry of Internal Affairs through its Decentralization Plan. However, Liberia still faces several crucial institutional challenges, in particular justice and security sectors. Within the framework of Security Sector Reform (SSR) and peace building in Liberia, UNDP established a Justice and Security Trust Fund for the Liberia National Police (LNP), Bureau for Immigration and Naturalization (BIN) and the Bureau for Corrections and Rehabilitation (BCR). The Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL) excluded from the Fund, as the CPA of 2003 mandated the US and ECOWAS to rebuild the AFL. To consolidate the SSR process the UN is assisting the Government to recruit a senior SSR Advisor to assist the Office of the National Security Advisor to coordinate all SSR processes in and out of Government. Being channelled through the Office of the UN Resident Coordinator to support SSR initiatives, the SSR Advisor in the Office of the RC has been established to provide high quality advice for specific activities.
IMPACT OF RESULTS:
Corporate Competencies:
Functional Competencies:
Development and Operational Effectiveness
Management and Leadership
Education:
Experience:
Language Requirements:
FC: 11888 and 04000To view this application, please follow this link.
The goal of this Practitioners’ Guide is to provide an overview of both common law and civil law legal traditions—comparing and contrasting them—so that practitioners deploying to post-conflict or developing countries can become familiar with them, and more easily work in a country that follows a tradition that is unfamiliar to them.
Within delegated authority, and under the supervision of the Director, Political Affairs, the Associate Political Affairs Officer will be responsible for performing the following duties:
Monitoring and Reporting - Identify and monitor political developments and emerging issues with respect to the implementation of UNSMIL's mandate, focussing on government formation, decentralization and local government in particular; Collect and interpret information contained in communications and publications received from various sources, including the Arabic-language press and social media; Prepare summary and analytical reports, including situation reports, briefing notes and notes to file; Assist with the preparation of code cables and other written materials destined for UN Headquarters.
Outreach and Coordination - Provide support to the Mission's efforts to develop and maintain collaborative relationships with the
authorities, political leaders, civil society actors, the broader UN family and other national and international partners on coordination and policy matters; Support preparations for meetings, events and visits, prepare written summaries and assist with follow-up activities, as appropriate; Assist with preparation of input for mission planning processes.
Information Management - Prepare and update contextual information materials, such as background notes and political profiles; Develop and/or maintain databases and other tools designed to ensure accessibility and utility of information; Manage correspondence; Translate documents from Arabic to English and vice versa, as needed. Perform other related duties as required.
Professionalism - Ability to identify and analyze political, ethnic, racial, social and economic problems that cause unrest in a
country or geographic area; Capacity to conduct research, formulate options, and present conclusions and recommendations; Shows pride in work and in achievements; Demonstrates professional competence and mastery of subject matter; Is conscientious and efficient in meeting commitments, observing deadlines and achieving results; Is motivated by professional rather than personal concerns; Shows persistence when faced with difficult problems or challenges; Remains calm in stressful situations; Takes responsibility for incorporating gender perspectives and ensuring the equal participation of women and men in all areas of work.
Communication - Speaks and writes clearly and effectively; Listens to others, correctly interprets messages from others and
responds appropriately; Asks questions to clarify, and exhibits interest in having two-way communication; Tailors language, tone, style and format to match audience; Demonstrates openness in sharing information and keeping people informed.
Planning and Organizing - Develops clear goals that are consistent with agreed strategies; Identifies priority activities and
assignments; adjusts priorities as required; Allocates appropriate amount of time and resources for completing work; Foresees risks and allows for contingencies when planning; Monitors and adjusts plans and actions as necessary; Uses time efficiently.
Teamwork – Works collaboratively with colleagues to achieve organizational goals; Solicits input by genuinely valuing others’ ideas and expertise; is willing to learn from others; Places team agenda before personal agenda; Supports and acts in accordance with final group decision, even when such decisions may not entirely reflect own position; Shares credit for team accomplishments and accepts joint responsibility for team shortcomings.
Experience: A minimum of two years of professional experience in political affairs, diplomacy, conflict resolution, development,
or related field is required, at least one year of which at the international level is preferable. Experience preparing summary and
analytical reports in a professional capacity is required. Previous experience working in a UN Special Political Mission,
Peacekeeping Operation, or other UN field operation in a conflict or post-conflict setting is desirable. Experience working in the
Libya and/or the Arab region would be an asset.
Education: Advanced university degree (Master's degree or equivalent) in political science, international relations, social
sciences, law, public administration, or a related field. A first level university degree with a relevant combination of academic
qualifications and experience may be accepted in lieu of the advanced university degree.
Languages: Fluency in spoken and written Arabic and English is required.
View the file enclosed for full details on this vacancy and application procedure.
Within delegated authority, and under the supervision of the Head of the Political Affairs Division (PAD), the Principal Political
Affairs Officer will focus on constitutional affairs and will be responsible for performing the following duties: Political Analysis and Advice - Identify, analyze and monitor political developments and emerging issues with respect to UNSMIL’s mandate to support to the constitution-making process; Assess implications and make recommendations to the Mission leadership on possible strategies, policies and other measures to address issues of concern and to advance mandated objectives.
Reporting and Information Management - Prepare and review analytical assessments on the constitution-making process including, but not limited to, situation reports, best practices documents, options papers, code cables and input for the reports of the Secretary-General to the Security Council; Ensure an effective system of information management designed to guarantee
accessibility and utility of information.
Planning, Coordination and Facilitation – Develop and maintain collaborative relationships at the national and local levels with
members of the Constitutional Drafting body, the General National Congress, government officials, political actors, civil society
leaders, academics, and regional actors and organizations on matters related to constitutional processes; Consult, advise and
cooperate with partners to develop strategies and plans of action to address political and technical challenges; Facilitate the
contribution of mission components, UNDP and other members of the UN Country Team to ensure an integrated and holistic
approach to the process; Provide good offices on behalf of the SRSG, as appropriate.
Management - Formulate and manage the implementation of PAD’s programme of work pertaining to constitutional affairs;
Provide strategic and practical guidance to PAD staff and field offices on how best they can contribute; Supervise, mentor, and
evaluate staff; Participate in the selection of new staff.
Professionalism – Analytical skills and ability to comprehend the complex inter-relations between Libyan stakeholders; Substantial
and diverse experience in all facets of the job; Strong analytical and evaluative skills combined with good judgement; Ability to
identify problems (e.g. political, ethnic, racial, social, economic) impacting the constitutional process and provide strategic advice and recommendations to senior officials; Effective negotiating skills and ability to work with others to find solutions; Shows pride in work and in achievements; Demonstrates professional competence and mastery of subject matter; Is conscientious and efficient in meeting commitments, observing deadlines and achieving results; Is motivated by professional rather than personal concerns; Shows persistence when faced with difficult problems or challenges; Remains calm in stressful situations; Takes responsibility for incorporating gender perspectives and ensuring the equal participation of women and men in all areas of work.
Communication - Speaks and writes clearly and effectively; Listens to others, correctly interprets messages from others and
responds appropriately; Asks questions to clarify, and exhibits interest in having two-way communication; Tailors language, tone, style and format to match audience; Demonstrates openness in sharing information and keeping people informed.
Managing Performance - Delegates the appropriate responsibility, accountability, and decision-making authority; Makes sure that
roles, responsibilities, and reporting lines are clear to each staff member; Accurately judges the amount of time and resources
needed to accomplish a task and matches task to skills; Monitors progress against milestones and deadlines; Regularly discusses
performance and provides feedback and coaching to staff; Encourages risk-taking and supports staff when they make mistakes;
Actively supports the development and career aspirations of staff; Appraises performance fairly.
Leadership - Serves as a role model that other people want to follow; Empowers others to translate vision into results; Is pro active in developing strategies to accomplish objectives; Establishes and maintains relationships with a broad range of people to
understand needs and gain support; Anticipates and resolves conflicts by pursuing mutually agreeable solutions; Drives for change and improvement; does not accept the status quo; Shows the courage to take unpopular stands.
Judgement/Decision-making - Identifies the key issues in a complex situation, and comes to the heart of the problem quickly; Gathers relevant information before making a decision; Considers positive and negative impact on others and on the Organization; Proposes a course of action or makes a recommendation based on all available information; Checks assumptions against facts; Determines that the actions proposed will satisfy the expressed and underlying needs for the decision; Makes tough decisions when necessary.
Experience: At least fifteen years of progressively responsible experience in political affairs, diplomacy, rule of law, governance,
conflict resolution, or related area is required. Experience in an advisory role to a senior public official is required. Experience
managing or facilitating multi-stakeholder processes at the national level in a peace consolidation setting is required. Previous
experience working in a UN Special Political Mission, Peacekeeping Operation, or other UN field operation in a conflict or postconflict setting is desirable. Experience working in the Libya and/or the Arab region would be an asset.
View the file enclosed for full details on this vacancy and application procedure.
The White House issued a new policy directive on security sector assistance. The goals of this new policy are to: help partner nations build the sustainable capacity to address common security challenges; promote partner support for the policies and interests of the United States; strengthen collective security and multinational defense arrangements and organizations; and promote universal values.
The “security sector” of a government is, as designated by this policy document, composed of institutions that have the authority to use force to protect both the state and its citizens at home or abroad, maintain international peace and security, and to enforce the law and provide oversight of security institutions and forces. Security sector assistance refers to the policies, programs, and activities the United States Government employs to engage with foreign partners in these areas, including to help them build and sustain the capacity and effectiveness of institutions to provide security, safety, and justice for their people; and to contribute to efforts that address common security challenges.
Between October 2nd and 3rd 2012, DCAF’s ISSAT organised a High Level Panel (HLP) on the Challenges and Opportunities for Security Sector Reform1 (SSR) in East Africa, in partnership with the United Nations Office in Nairobi (UNON), the Governments of Burundi, Kenya, the Netherlands, Slovakia, Somalia and South Sudan, the African Development Bank (AfDB), the African Union (AU), East African Community (EAC), Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the African Security Sector Network (ASSN). It was attended by over two hundred SSR policy makers and practitioners.
This report seeks to take those discussions further, including more of the points raised by participants during the HLP, and adding in lessons from experience gathered from individual missions and related trainings. Three case studies featured in the HLP (Burundi, Somalia and South Sudan) and as such provide many of the examples, although the report also draws from examples beyond East Africa. An introductory section on SSR in each of these countries is provided in section one and full case studies are included in the annex.
It is hoped that this report, which keeps to the same thematic areas as those covered in the HLP, will offer information on contemporary thinking in security and justice reform, as well as provide some recommendations and examples of good practice to those interested in or engaged in SSR.
The SSR Newsletter provides an update on recent activities of the UNDPKO's SSR Unit, gives an overview of upcoming initiatives and shares relevant information and announcements with the greater SSR community.
In this issue:
The post holder will form part of the core International Security Sector Advisory Team (ISSAT) at the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF). ISSAT provides a deployable capacity to support its 18 members (which include 14 bilateral donors, the EU, UN, OECD Secretariat and OIF) in creating strategic, successful and sustainable Security and Justice Sector Reform interventions in conflict-affected, fragile and development environments.
This is a demanding and high profile implementation and representational role requiring overseas travel and with wide-ranging high-level departmental contacts within international organisations, governments, development agencies and their staff overseas. ISSAT may operate in post-conflict contexts, so the post-holder will have to demonstrate an ability to work in challenging conditions.
The post holder will:
The post holder must be proactive and have demonstrated an ability to work as part of a multi-disciplinary team. For specified tasking, they must be prepared to act as the lead for particular programme activities and demonstrate excellent project management skills. S/he must have good communication (verbal and written), influencing and presentational skills and the ability to network and liaise effectively with a wide range of potential stakeholders at all levels both within governments and non-governmental and multinational organisations. S/he must be able to analyse situations quickly and effectively, adapt to rapidly changing circumstances and produce workable solutions to meet customer requirements. SSR is a fast developing field and it will be necessary to retain currency in the latest thinking and developments. An interest in international relations and development issues, fundamental to the SSR concept, is highly desirable. This post will involve considerable international travel, and as the ISSAT may operate in fragile/post-conflict contexts, the post-holder will have to demonstrate an ability to work in challenging conditions. It is important that the post holder has a strong knowledge of /experience in SSR processes in sub-Saharan Africa or post-conflict contexts from other regions.
For this post, a Masters degree in law, international relations, development, political science, or a related field is required. The post holder must have a minimum of 7 to 10 years of work experience in justice and security sector reform, including extensive field experience. Relevant experience includes designing and implementing security, justice or governance reform processes or programmes, and structuring and delivering trainings. Knowledge of the UN approach to SSR and of latest developments in the fields of rule of law and justice reform, including gender, as well as familiarity with other institutional approaches (e.g. AU, EU, AfDB, OECD etc.) is highly expected.
The team’s operating language is English; however fluent French would be a definite advantage, as would other languages, such as Arabic.
Candidates meeting the requirements are invited to email their CV with a Cover Letter addressing the selection criteria to: Ms Aji Buchanan at a.buchanan@dcaf.ch.
The deadline for applications is 13 May 2013.
Selection will be carried out based on CV/Cover Letter analysis, followed by a competency based written evaluation and interviews. Due to the volume of applications, only those selected to undertake the written evaluation/interviews will be contacted.
ISSAT is strongly committed to geographical and gender diversity. Individuals from countries who have undergone/are undergoing an SSR process are strongly encouraged to apply.
ISSAT/DCAF has been mandated by SDC to provide support to their office in Honduras for the Swiss new Cooperation Strategy for Central America 2013-2017. This support will be provided in the form of backstopping in the areas of security sector reform, conflict analysis and conflict sensitivity.
As a first step to fulfilling the mandate, ISSAT will undertake a scoping mission to Honduras. The purpose of the scoping mission is to:
a) Assess SDC’s backstopping needs given the internal and external opportunities and challenges presented to Switzerland’s development cooperation with Honduras in the areas of security sector reform, conflict analysis and conflict sensitivity;
b) Provide a qualified foundation for the drafting of a three-year backstopping contract between SDC and DCAF/ISSAT with partners.
Following a brief desk review phase, two ISSAT advisors will undertake a ten-day field mission (18 Feb – 01 Mar) to undertake a light assessment.
The assessment will primarily be based on the study of existing documents, interviews, one field trip to a community and different types of workshops. For the latter, the methodology of “interactive analysis”[1] of armed violence/conflict will be used as well as participatory mapping exercises.
[1] These types of workshops, interactive analysis, have been used my DCAF/ISSAT and partners in Asia, Africa and Latin America to gather expert groups and extract sharp analysis, conclusions and recommendations in a very cost effective, or efficient, way.
Lack of security in the Americas is a long-standing phenomenon, linked in particular to conquest, rapid settlement, control and exploitation of natural resources, the immensity of the new territories, poor economic prospects for large swathes of the population and the insufficiency of state action (notably in terms of good governance, rule of law and social fabric), all of which are combined with a high level of inequality.
Moreover, during the last few years many Latin America and Caribbean countries (the "LAC region") have been confronted with increasingly high levels of violence (which finds sometimes its roots in political armed conflicts such as in Colombia, Peru and Central America), notably when linked to international organised crime which has become an ever increasing threat in the region.
The proliferation of both conventional and organised crime is also a heavy burden on citizens, impeding their daily existence, the delivery of public services, their livelihoods, their growth and development processes. Efforts by households and firms to protect themselves against recurrent violence impose heavy economic burdens. In Central America, the security situation is particularly critical, and the number of private security companies has increased significantly in recent years. This results in a perverse situation in which there are more private security officers (an average of 245,000 people in Central America and 300,000 in Mexico) than police personnel. This situation is made worse by the large number of firearms circulating in the affected countries, with security agents being more part of the problem than its solution. Furthermore, crime and violence have a directly negative impact on the investment climate, which carries its own specific long term costs. 35% of firms in Latin America and the Caribbean identify crime as the major problem for their business activities, according to the World Bank’s 2011 World Development Report. The Inter-American Development Bank estimates that Latin American GDP per capita would be 25 percent higher if the region’s crime rates were equal to the world average. In a number of countries (such as Venezuela with an estimated 20,000 homicides in 2011) loss of life, particularly of people in the best productive age, is important, further affecting economic performance.
Another element is represented by the existence of armed gangs linked to violent crime and petty drug trafficking, as in Northern Central America or the Caribbean, where deportation of violent criminals from the US has contributed to the problem, in particular through the proliferation of the so called “Maras” (violent youth gangs) as well as to the availability of small arms and light weapons in Central America or Venezuela. In the case of organised crime, the illegal activities proliferate along the routes used to ship cocaine between producer countries and consumers (particularly in the US, Canada and the EU), but also increasingly in Latin America (Argentina,Chile and Brazil are becoming important consumers, the last one in particular) and the Caribbean. Most Bolivian cocaine is shipped to Brazil, both for Brazilian consumption and for shipping to Europe.
Unsurprisingly, security is nowadays viewed both by the governments and the citizens in Latin America and the Caribbean as one of the main challenges in the region. The states in the LAC region and in particular along the trafficking routes have launched strategies and plans to counter the cross-border security threats. Recognising that organised crime is a phenomenon which cannot be contained within the borders of specific countries, they have sought to confront it at a regional level with the help of their international allies. However, the cross-border and regional cooperation mechanisms in the field of law enforcement and judicial cooperation are generally still very weak in the region, notably due to the lack of regional integration, of funding, of relevant national capacities and of mutual trust.
Today, drug and notably cocaine trafficking (which originates in Peru, Colombia and Bolivia where all coca and cocaine for the world market is produced), but also human and arms trafficking as well as money laundering represent very lucrative activities for criminal organisations. At the same time, a regional weak social fabric, with high levels of inequality and widespread acceptance of violence in society (including gender-based violence), contributes to high levels of conventional crime, which is negatively affecting both the investment climate (and economic growth) in the region, as well the human rights and well-being of citizens, especially the poor and most vulnerable populations.
As a consequence, democratic governance, the rule of law and stability are severely menaced by all the phenomena related to crime in the LAC region, where it has pushed some already unstable states to the brink of failure. The State institutions are often not sufficiently prepared to cope with the various security challenges and seem sometimes to be rather part of the problem than of the solution, notably when infiltrated by criminal organisations, or in cases where they may be perceived as having only limited democratic legitimacy because they represent rather the interests of the elites than of the whole population. Weak governance characterises the national justice and security systems of many Latin America and Caribbean countries at various levels, including: understaffed and underpaid security and judicial personnel leading to inefficiency and widespread corruption; badly trained and equipped (and sometimes over-militarised) security personnel; lack of planning capacity on strategy and budget; blurred separation of competencies between the military as well as law enforcement and judicial authorities; inadequate legal frameworks; lack of respect of rule of law and human rights; lack of access to justice, in particular for the poor people; etc. These weaknesses contribute to explain also the high levels of impunity in many LAC countries, which further exacerbates the insecurity and lack of justice. Furthermore, violence is a hindrance to the exercise of fundamental freedoms: freedom of press, expression and association, the freedom to move and the free election of public office.
Given the security challenges faced by the LAC countries and their request for continuous support in this area, EU external aid in this region is expected to go on and may even further increase.
The present assignment is to support DEVCO G and other relevant EU services in the preparation of the future EU support to the security and justice sector in the LAC region under the next financial framework 2014-2020.
The purpose of the support is to:
1. carry out an independent study on the main characteristics (general features, strengths and weaknesses,…) and needs of the security and justice sectors in the LAC region, as well as of the support provided so far in this area by the EU during the 2007-2013 programming phase and other relevant donors over the same period;
2. provide a set of concrete recommendations on objectives and types of activities which could be envisaged by the EU in terms of future support in this area in the LAC region under the financial framework 2014-2020, which would address in particular the regional/sub-regional level under the DCI and also cover an analysis on possible implementation options.
Lack of security in the Americas is a long-standing phenomenon, linked in particular to conquest, rapid settlement, control and exploitation of natural resources, the immensity of the new territories, poor economic prospects for large swathes of the population and the insufficiency of state action (notably in terms of good governance, rule of law and social fabric), all of which are combined with a high level of inequality.
Moreover, during the last few years many Latin America and Caribbean countries (the "LAC region") have been confronted with increasingly high levels of violence (which finds sometimes its roots in political armed conflicts such as in Colombia, Peru and Central America), notably when linked to international organised crime which has become an ever increasing threat in the region.
The proliferation of both conventional and organised crime is also a heavy burden on citizens, impeding their daily existence, the delivery of public services, their livelihoods, their growth and development processes. Efforts by households and firms to protect themselves against recurrent violence impose heavy economic burdens. In Central America, the security situation is particularly critical, and the number of private security companies has increased significantly in recent years. This results in a perverse situation in which there are more private security officers (an average of 245,000 people in Central America and 300,000 in Mexico) than police personnel. This situation is made worse by the large number of firearms circulating in the affected countries, with security agents being more part of the problem than its solution. Furthermore, crime and violence have a directly negative impact on the investment climate, which carries its own specific long term costs. 35% of firms in Latin America and the Caribbean identify crime as the major problem for their business activities, according to the World Bank’s 2011 World Development Report. The Inter-American Development Bank estimates that Latin American GDP per capita would be 25 percent higher if the region’s crime rates were equal to the world average. In a number of countries (such as Venezuela with an estimated 20,000 homicides in 2011) loss of life, particularly of people in the best productive age, is important, further affecting economic performance.
Another element is represented by the existence of armed gangs linked to violent crime and petty drug trafficking, as in Northern Central America or the Caribbean, where deportation of violent criminals from the US has contributed to the problem, in particular through the proliferation of the so called “Maras” (violent youth gangs) as well as to the availability of small arms and light weapons in Central America or Venezuela. In the case of organised crime, the illegal activities proliferate along the routes used to ship cocaine between producer countries and consumers (particularly in the US, Canada and the EU), but also increasingly in Latin America (Argentina,Chile and Brazil are becoming important consumers, the last one in particular) and the Caribbean. Most Bolivian cocaine is shipped to Brazil, both for Brazilian consumption and for shipping to Europe.
Unsurprisingly, security is nowadays viewed both by the governments and the citizens in Latin America and the Caribbean as one of the main challenges in the region. The states in the LAC region and in particular along the trafficking routes have launched strategies and plans to counter the cross-border security threats. Recognising that organised crime is a phenomenon which cannot be contained within the borders of specific countries, they have sought to confront it at a regional level with the help of their international allies. However, the cross-border and regional cooperation mechanisms in the field of law enforcement and judicial cooperation are generally still very weak in the region, notably due to the lack of regional integration, of funding, of relevant national capacities and of mutual trust.
Today, drug and notably cocaine trafficking (which originates in Peru, Colombia and Bolivia where all coca and cocaine for the world market is produced), but also human and arms trafficking as well as money laundering represent very lucrative activities for criminal organisations. At the same time, a regional weak social fabric, with high levels of inequality and widespread acceptance of violence in society (including gender-based violence), contributes to high levels of conventional crime, which is negatively affecting both the investment climate (and economic growth) in the region, as well the human rights and well-being of citizens, especially the poor and most vulnerable populations.
As a consequence, democratic governance, the rule of law and stability are severely menaced by all the phenomena related to crime in the LAC region, where it has pushed some already unstable states to the brink of failure. The State institutions are often not sufficiently prepared to cope with the various security challenges and seem sometimes to be rather part of the problem than of the solution, notably when infiltrated by criminal organisations, or in cases where they may be perceived as having only limited democratic legitimacy because they represent rather the interests of the elites than of the whole population. Weak governance characterises the national justice and security systems of many Latin America and Caribbean countries at various levels, including: understaffed and underpaid security and judicial personnel leading to inefficiency and widespread corruption; badly trained and equipped (and sometimes over-militarised) security personnel; lack of planning capacity on strategy and budget; blurred separation of competencies between the military as well as law enforcement and judicial authorities; inadequate legal frameworks; lack of respect of rule of law and human rights; lack of access to justice, in particular for the poor people; etc. These weaknesses contribute to explain also the high levels of impunity in many LAC countries, which further exacerbates the insecurity and lack of justice. Furthermore, violence is a hindrance to the exercise of fundamental freedoms: freedom of press, expression and association, the freedom to move and the free election of public office.
Given the security challenges faced by the LAC countries and their request for continuous support in this area, EU external aid in this region is expected to go on and may even further increase.
The present assignment is to support DEVCO G and other relevant EU services in the preparation of the future EU support to the security and justice sector in the LAC region under the next financial framework 2014-2020.
The purpose of the support is to:
1. carry out an independent study on the main characteristics (general features, strengths and weaknesses,…) and needs of the security and justice sectors in the LAC region, as well as of the support provided so far in this area by the EU during the 2007-2013 programming phase and other relevant donors over the same period;
2. provide a set of concrete recommendations on objectives and types of activities which could be envisaged by the EU in terms of future support in this area in the LAC region under the financial framework 2014-2020, which would address in particular the regional/sub-regional level under the DCI and also cover an analysis on possible implementation options.