The l’Ecole de Maintien de la Paix Alioune Blondin Beye, ran a PSO/SSR/ToT Training Course from 15-26 August 2011 in Bamako, Mali. This course was carried out in close collaboration with the International Security Sector Advisory Team (ISSAT) of the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF).
The training focused on mid-level officers. In the military that would include the following ranks: major, lieutenant colonel and colonel. Civilians from international, regional and national organisations and local and police members of an equivalent level were included as well. The participants covered professionals involved in planning and implementing SSR programmes in PSO.
The two week training brought together approximately 25 participants, with training experience, from various African countries (mainly Western Africa). The first week of the course focused on topics such as Concepts of SSR, Gender, Mapping the security sector, SSR programming, Post-conflict SSR, Role of non-state actors and Coordination. The main goal of the first week was to familiarize the participants with the topic of SSR as well as SSR in relation to the environment of Peace Support Operations. The second week focused on training the trainers on delivering capacity building exercises involving SSR issues, by using exercises based on the previous week.
Dans cette étude réalisée pour DCAF en collaboration avec le programme « Gouvernance partagée pour la sécurité et la paix au Mali » (PGPSP), Fatimata Dicko-Zouboye et Kadidia Sangaré-Coulibaly présentent un état des lieux de la prise en compte de la dimension genre dans le secteur de la sécurité au Mali. L’étude présente une cartographie des acteurs impliqués dans la promotion de la sécurité et de la paix au Mali, incluant les forces armées et la gendarmerie nationale, les forces de police, de protection civile et de gestion des frontières, le secteur juridique, le secteur pénal, la société civile, les organisations et réseaux régionaux, les organisations internationales et les partenaires au développement. Pour chacune de ces institutions, les auteures tracent un portrait des modalités de prise en charge des questions de genre, ainsi que des bonnes pratiques et obstacles qui y sont associés. Enfin, des propositions relatives à la place du genre dans la promotion de la sécurité et de la paix sont également énoncées afin d’accompagner le gouvernement et les autres parties prenantes dans la définition et la mise en œuvre de politiques d’intervention pertinentes.
DCAF, PGPSP 2011
The past year has seen a ratcheting up and convergence of security concerns in the Sahel and Maghreb with the growing potency of al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, the influx of mercenaries and weaponry from Libya, the expanding influence of narcotics traffickers, and Boko Haram's widening lethality. Nonetheless, regional cooperation to address these transnational threats remains fragmented. In Regional Security Cooperation in the Maghreb and Sahel: Algeria's Pivotal Ambivalence , the latest Africa Security Brief from the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, Laurence Aïda Ammour examines the central role that Algeria plays in defining this cooperation and the complex domestic, regional, and international considerations that shape its decision-making...
◆ Efforts to counter al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb’s (AQIM) growing influence in both the Maghreb and the Sahel are fragmented because of the inability of neighbors to forge collaborative partnerships.
◆ Algeria faces inverse incentives to combat AQIM outside of Algiers as it gains much of its geostrategic leverage by maintaining overstated perceptions of a serious terrorism threat.
◆ The Algerian government’s limited legitimacy, primarily derived from its ability to deliver stability, constrains a more comprehensive regional strategy.
The full paper can be downloaded from
The first ever regional conference on “Integrating Human Security into National Security Policies in North-West Africa” was hosted in Rabat 23-24 November 2010 by the Centre for Human Rights and Democracy Studies (CEDHD) and the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF), with the support of Switzerland. The conference brought together a large number of high-ranking representatives from North-West Africa and the Sahel region (Algeria, Burkina Faso, Mali, Morocco, Mauritania and Senegal) as well as a number of international experts. This was the first event of its kind to consider the development and implementation of national security policy from the regional perspective of North-West Africa.
In this comprehensive study, 12 experts describe and analyse the military budgetary processes and degree of oversight and control in eight African countries-Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Mali, Mozambique, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and South Africa-spanning the continent's sub-regions. Each country study addresses a wide range of questions, such as the roles of the finance and defence ministries, budget offices, audit departments and external actors in the military budgetary processes; the extent ofcompliance with standard public expenditure management procedures; and how well official military expenditure figures reflect the true economic resources devoted to military activities in these countries. The framework for the country studies is provided by a detailed model for good practice in budgeting for the military sector. The individual studies are tied together by a synthesis chapter, which provides a comparative analysis of the studies, classifies the eight countries according to theiradherence to the principles of public expenditure management and explains why individual countries find themselves with a certain classification. The book draws on the results of the country studies and their analysis by making concrete recommendations to the governments of African countries and the international community. While the military sector in many African states is believed to be favoured in terms of resource allocation and degree of political autonomy, it is not subject to the samerules and procedures as other sectors. Because of the unique role of the armed forces as the guarantor of national security, and their demand for a high degree of confidentiality in certain activities, the military sector receives a significant proportion of state resources and is not subject to public scrutiny. The book argues that while the military sector requires some confidentiality it should be subject to the same standard procedures and rules followed by other state sectors.
Experience shows that successful democratic transitions need to be underpinned by a security sector that is effective, well managed, and accountable to the state and its citizens. This is why it is so important to carefully examine security sector governance dynamics in contexts where security has often remained a 'reserved domain.' Understanding the issues and perspectives that divide political elites, the security sector, and citizens is the only way to develop security sector reform programs that are legitimate and sustainable at the national level. Through drawing on the close contextual knowledge of practitioners, researchers, and diverse local actors, this book supports this goal by analyzing security sector governance dynamics in each of the nine Francophone countries within West Africa. From this basis, strengths and weaknesses are analyzed, local capacities evaluated, and entry points identified to promote democratic security sector governance in the West African region. (Seri