Etudes de cas
When a coup d'état or unconstitutional change of government happens, how does the UN respond? This is the question addressed in IPI's latest policy paper: UN Mediation and the Politics of Transition after Constitutional Crises by Charles T. Call.Examining the UN's experience in dealing with such political crises in Kenya, Mauritania, Guinea, Madagascar, and Kyrgyzstan between 2008 and 2011, this report identifies trends across the cases and draws lessons regarding the role of international mediation and the transitional political arrangements that emerged.
- Publication:Translating Mediation Guidance into Practice: Commentary on the UN Guidance for Effective Mediation by the Mediation Support Network, Mediation Support Network
- Publication: Power sharing, transitional governments and the role of mediation, Center for Humanitarian Dialog
Strengthening the UN's Mediation Support Unit, whose standby team of thematic experts have been successfully deployed in several cases;In order to ensure a principled, coherent, and effective response that prevents the escalation of violence and facilitates a country's return to constitutional order, Call recommends:
- expanding and adequately resourcing UN regional offices, which have made singular contributions to mediation efforts;
- appointing mediators with prior professional experience in other multilateral organizations, who can contribute to effective collaboration among international and regional organizations;
- preparing the UN more systematically for addressing electoral disputes;
- enhancing communication between the UN Department of Political Affairs and resident coordinators on the ground;
- creating effective UN mechanisms to monitor transitional arrangements, including power sharing arrangements and other efforts for reconciliation, justice, and conflict-sensitive development.
- Interestingly, Call argues that the UN should be cautious about adopting a blanket policy of denouncing all departures from constitutional order.
Awino Okech is a SSR and Gender Expert for the African Security Sector Network (ASSN). In an interview conducted by ISSAT, she addresses a wide range of security issues, such as: the need for a space for civilian oversight mechanisms; the challenges related to the increasing role of non-state actors in the provision of security; the ways in which the lack of capacity of oversight mechanisms and the threat of terrorism are dealt with in Kenya; and the prospects for building capacity in African Union member countries.
The latest episode of ICTJ Forum, a monthly podcast looking into recent news and events from around the world, features ICTJ President David Tolbert, Truth and Memory Program Director Eduardo Gonzalez, and Africa Program Director Suliman Baldo. They join host and Communications Director Refik Hodzic for an in-depth analysis of recent developments in Kenya, the former Yugoslavia, and Colombia.
Modérateur: Dr. Michal Mlynár, Ambassadeur de Slovaquie à Nairobi et Président du Comité de direction de l'ISSAT
Madame l'Ambassadrice Sahle-Work Zewde, Directrice Générale de l'Office des Nations Unies à Nairobi (ONUN)
Madame l’Ambassadrice Nancy Kirui, CBS, Secrétaire Permanent, Ministère d’Etat de la défense, Kenya
Session du Groupe de haut niveau sur la SSR (Afrique de l'Est): Le rôle du soutien régional et international aux processus nationaux de RSS (Atelier 6: 03-10-12)
Modérateur: Dr. Mark Downes, Directeur de l’Equipe internationale de conseil au secteur de la sécurité (ISSAT) au Centre pour le contrôle démocratique des forces armées – Genève (DCAF)
M. Joel Hellman, Directeur du Centre mondial sur les conflits, la sécurité et le développement de la Banque mondiale
M. Aeneas Chuma,Coordonnateur résident des Nations Unies et Représentant résident du PNUD au Kenya
Professeur Eboe Hutchful, Président du Réseau Africain du Secteur de la Sécurité (ASSN)
Dr. Serge Rumin, Directeur du Programme de Développement du Secteur de la Sécurité, Protocole d’entente entre le Burundi et les Pays-Bas
Session du Groupe de haut niveau sur la SSR (Afrique de l'Est): L’approche et l’implication de la EAC et de la IGAD sur la RSS en Afrique de l’Est (Atelier 7: 03-10-12)
Modérateur: M. Gabriel Negatu, Directeur régional du Centre de ressources pour l'Afrique de l'Est, Banque africaine de développement (BAD))
Dr. Julius T. Rotich, Secrétaire Général Adjoint de la Communauté d’Afrique de l’Est (EAC) chargé de la Fédération Politique
M. David W. Njoka, Directeur des Affaires Politiques, Ministère pour la Communauté d'Afrique de l'Est, Kenya
Commandant Abebe Muluneh Beyene, Directeur du Programme du Secteur de la sécurité de l’IGAD (ISSP)
Dr. Medhane Tadesse Gebresilassie, Conseiller principal du Réseau Africain du Secteur de la Sécurité (ASSN) auprès de l’Union Africaine
In this lecture hosted by the LSE, Muthoni Wanyeki draws on three decades of human rights activism with Kenyan, African and international organisations to push back against the western critique of human rights and to formulate her own assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of the human rights movement in Africa and the global south. Muthoni Wanyeki is Regional Director of Open Society’s Africa Regional Office.
For full access to the podcast, Rethinking Human Rights: A Southern Response to Western Critics, kindly follow the link.
Documents de recherche et de stratégie
Corruption risk in defence and security establishments is a key concern for defence officials and senior military officers, as corruption wastes scarce resources, reduces operational effectiveness and reduces public trust in the armed forces and security services. Part of the solution to these risks is clear guidance on the behaviour expected of senior officers and officials, and strong application of those standards of behaviour.
The report presents the conclusions of an analysis of the written codes of conduct and related documents from 12 participating nations: Argentina, Australia, Croatia, Denmark, Germany, Kenya, Lithuania, Norway, Saudi Arabia, Spain, Sweden and Ukraine.
To view this publication, please follow this link.
Keeping the peace in Kenya: Lessons learned from the prevention of election-related violence in 2013
The outcome report of a joint initiative by the Graduate Institute’s Applied Research Seminar and the Geneva Peacebuilding Platform. This project had the objective to develop a better understanding of the workings of preventive actions surrounding the Kenyan elections of 2013. Over 6 months, this project conducted a thorough review of the literature and 19 semi-structured interviews with prevention experts in Kenya, Geneva and New York. This project occurred as part of the work stream on 'Prevention and Peacebuilding' of the Geneva Peacebuilding Platform and hopes to expand the evidence base of effective prevention practice.
This Strategic Note maps out the digital environment shaping public security in selected informal settlements of Nairobi. It considers the diverse ways in which information communication technologies (ICTs) are being adopted by Kenyan police in informal settlements and by the community in Mathare, one of Nairobi’s most violent informal settlements (or slum). It highlights the views and attitudes of police working in different informal settlements and identifies opportunities and challenges for the introduction of new smart policing tools in the Nairobi context. The use of digital technologies can potentially enhance accountability within the police while simultaneously providing a layer of protection for patrolling officers and improved community safety.
A Case Study of Counter Violent Extremism (CVE) Programming: Lessons from OTI’s Kenya Transition Initiative
Between 2011 and 2014 the USAID Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI)’s Kenya Transition Initiative implemented what was essentially a pilot program of the new Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) concept. Aiming to counter the drivers of ‘violent extremism’ (VE), this operated through a system of small grants funding activities such as livelihood training, cultural events, community debates on sensitive topics, counselling for post-traumatic stress disorder, and so on. This paper delivers lessons from the program, generated via an independent evaluation, offering insights of relevance to the broader CVE community of practitioners. A first overarching conclusion is that programming decisions would have benefitted from a more comprehensive understanding of VE in the local context. For instance, subsets of the population more narrowly ‘at-risk’ of being attracted to VE should have been identified and targeted (e.g. potentially teenagers, ex-convicts, members of specific clans, and so on), and a greater focus should have been placed upon comprehending the relevance of material incentives, fear, status-seeking, adventure-seeking, and other such individual-level drivers. A second conclusion is that the KTI team would have profited from additional top-level guidance from their donors, for instance, providing direction on the extent to which efforts should have been targeted at those supportive of violence versus those directly involved in its creation, the risks associated with donor branding, and contexts in which the pejorative term ‘extremism’ should have been pragmatically replaced by neutral terminology. As a priority donors and the wider community should also provide suitable definitions of the CVE concept, rather than leaving practitioners to construe (undoubtedly inconsistently) it’s meaning from the available definitions of VE.
This paper focuses on the role of the private sector in the prevention of electoral violence. The positive contribution of the private sector to conflict prevention, mediation and alleviation is increasingly recognised in policy and academic circles, yet little research has been carried out with respect to its role in the prevention of election violence. To this end, the paper considers the example of Kenya in the hope that novel lessons will be revealed for firms seeking to engage in conflict mitigation strategies related to election-related conflict.
Other papers published by the Geneva Peacebuilding platform are available.
Devolved government in Kenya’s newly formed north-eastern counties, designed to address decades of political marginalisation and underdevelopment, has been undermined by dominant clans monopolising power and growing corruption. Violent clan competition and antipathy between elected county elites and the remaining national administrative structures have allowed the violently extremist Al-Shabaab movement to expand and operate with relative impunity across large areas of the North East. Its attacks exposed security-service disarray and caused a sharp reversal of already stretched state services in this vast and poor region that shares a porous 680km border with Somalia.
Read full report: Kenya’s Somali North East: Devolution and Security
Lanet Umoja is on the outskirts of Nakuru town in the Central Rift region, one of the most politically volatile regions in Kenya. Its area chief, Francis Kariuki, has been the focus of local and international media attention for his use of Twitter in transforming the interaction between members of his locale and himself. The focus of this attention has largely been trained on his deployment of the micro blogging platform Twitter for community policing. Using Manuel Castell’s idea of the network society and John Postill’s concept of how agencies and agents engage a society that is networked, this paper argues that social media has expanded both the spatial and temporal aspects of the baraza, thus producing a very effective site for not only community policing, but also novel experimentation by the chief at the local level.
For the full paper about ‘Chieftaincy’ in the Social Media Space: Community Policing in a Twitter Convened Baraza kindly follow the link.
Decentralisation has been a hot topic in studies of democratisation and development in recent years. The World Bank has described Kenya’s switch to devolved government as ‘among the most rapid and ambitious devolution processes in the world’, yet very little is known so far about what changes have taken place on the ground. Therefore, scholars Dominic Burbidge and Nic Cheeseman have compiled some of the emerging research on the topic.
For more details and the full brief about Understanding the politics and process of decentralisation in Kenya
Corruption is hampering the delivery of justice globally. People perceive the judiciary as the second most corrupt public service, after the police. UNDP presents in this report, prepared in cooperation with U4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre, a series of successful experiences from Afghanistan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia, Indonesia, Kenya, Kosovo*, Nepal, Nigeria, Paraguay, Philippines, and Somalia, in promoting transparency and accountability within the judiciary.
Opening up judicial systems fosters integrity and increases public trust without impeding independence of the judiciary. The report advocates for judiciaries to open up to peer learning by engaging representatives of other countries in capacity assessments to improve judicial integrity. It also encourages judiciaries to consult end-users, associations of judges and use new technologies to foster transparency and accountability.
For full access to the report on A Transparent and Accountable Judiciary to Deliver Justice for All, kindly follow the link.
Setting the Aperture Wider: A synthesis of research and policy advice on security pluralism in Tunis, Nairobi and Beirut
In contexts of security pluralism, an array of actors assert claims on the use of force, operating simultaneously and with varying relationships to the state. In such contexts, security providers may acquire legitimacy by proving more effective and efficient, proximate and relevant to local populations, and are often cheaper than state alternatives. Yet, plural security actors are frequently associated with human rights violations, perverse interface with the state, difficulty in providing security equitably in contexts of diversity, and an almost ineluctable tendency toward net production of insecurity over time.
Donors have few policy or practical tools with which to engage meaningfully in contexts of plural security provision. Since directly engaging plural security providers would mean upsetting relationships with state partners, conferring legitimacy on groups with unpalatable goals or tactics, or tacitly endorsing violence as a path to political privilege, donors prefer to focus on official security agencies and state oversight.
Plural Security Insights and its partners have developed the research project outlined here to address that dearth of relevant policy and programming advice. Comparative research was conducted in three urban contexts: Beirut, Nairobi, and Tunis.
The individual publications of the case studies are:
For full access to Setting the Aperture Wider and the other publications, kindly follow the link.
Nairobi’s urban settlements offer unique settings in which to examine the interplay between citizens’ need for security, the state’s inability to fully meet that need, and the opportunities this creates for powerful private actors. In Kenya’s capital, this situation has led to a context of plural security provision, in which an array of actors assert claims on the use of force, operating simultaneously and with varying relationships to the state. Despite the proliferation of active security providers, who range from opportunistic enforcers to tireless local guardians, most people in Nairobi’s poor urban settlements are exposed to daily threats on their person and property.
This report by Plural Security Insights is part of a comparative research project on plural security in urban settings that draws upon empirical insights from case studies in Beirut, Nairobi, and Tunis. Fieldwork in Mathare, Korogocho and Kangemi provided insights into how settlement residents must rely upon their social networks and personal attributes to ensure access to a combination of protective communities. Unable to call upon the state as the guarantor of public welfare, citizens must ‘hustle for security’, using their wits and their networks to assemble a tenuous patchwork of protection. The research identified not only the risks this creates for individuals and communities, but also how the propensity to resort to individualised security strategies can undermine the notion and the actualisation of ‘the public good’.
The paper concludes with proposals for addressing the more malign aspects of plural security provision, specifically, the need to curtail the providers’ power and to work towards consolidating various providers under uniform rubrics of oversight and performance standards.
The series also includes:
For full access to Hustling for Security and the other publications, kindly follow the link.
In January 2016, Kenya suffered its largest ever military defeat at the battle of El Adde in the Gedo region of Somalia. Yet many of the questions surrounding this attack remain unanswered. On the six-month anniversary of the battle at El Adde, this report provides a preliminary analysis of the battle and some of the wider issues with respect to the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM).
This issue brief from the International Peace Institute (IPI) lays out a number of lessons the attack on El Adde can offer to the Kenya Defence Forces, AMISOM, and all peace operations engaged in various forms of stabilization and counterinsurgency.
To access the Battle at El Adde: The Kenya Defence Forces, al-Shabaab, and Unanswered Questions issue brief, kindly follow the link.
This Africa Center for Strategic Studies security brief by Abdisaid M. Ali studies the growth of Salafist ideology in East Africa and the challenges it poses to long established norms of tolerance and interfaith cooperation in the region. The brief argues that this is the outcome of a combination of external and internal factors. On the one hand, the decade-long efforts to promote ultraconservative interpretations of Islam by different Gulf states have fostered more exclusive and polarizing religious relations in the region and resulted in an increase in violence. On the other hand, internal socioeconomic differences and repressive, heavy-handed measures by the police to fight extremism have likely reinforced the narratives and appeal of religious extremism. Redressing these challenges will require the rebuilding of tolerance and solidarity domestically along with a check on the external influence of extremist ideology.
To access the security brief on Islamist Extremism in East Africa, kindly follow the link.
This paper provides a conceptual approach using key literature and documentary evidence to show how, in the northern part of Kenya, cattle rustling is common occurrence with criminals taking advantage of remote rural environments with minimal surveillance and consequently less opportunity of being stopped and searched by police. The purpose of this paper is to provide an analysis of the changing practices of cattle rustling in Kenya from a relatively small isolated and opportunistic activity to a much more planned and systematic entrepreneurial business involving collusion and corruption.
For full access to From Bush to Butchery: Cattle Rustling as an Entrepreneurial Process in Kenya, kindly follow the link.
Livestock raiding among northern Kenya's pastoralists has changed profoundly in the last decades. Fought with modern weaponry and often extreme violence, raiding is increasingly enmeshed in politicized claims over administrative boundaries, struggles for exclusive access to land, and attempts to establish or safeguard an ethnically homogeneous electoral base. These conflicts are part of Kenya's troubled politics of decentralization and as such they must be viewed in the context of wider political developments in the country. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in East Pokot and surrounding areas in Kenya's Central Rift Valley Province, this article demonstrates how livestock raiding emerges as a specific form of violent regulation, a well-adapted, dangerous, and powerful political weapon.
For full access to Guns, Land and Votes: Cattle Rustling and the Politics of Boundary-(Re)Making in Northern Kenya, kindly follow the link.
The majority of those living in the border region of Kenya, Sudan, and Uganda are pastoralists, whose livelihoods are dictated by the upkeep and size of their herds. Harsh environmental conditions force pastoralists to migrate in search of water and pasturelands during the dry season. With limited access to water and competing rights to land, intertribal conflict arises when pastoralists from one tribe enter the territory of another. The increased availability of small arms in the region from past wars increasingly makes ordinary clashes fatal. Governments in the region have responded with heavy-handed coercive disarmament operations. These have led to distrust and subsequent violent clashes between communities and security providers. This report reviews the scale, consequences of, and responses to the many pastoral conflicts, utilizing methodological tools such as key informant interviews, retrospective analysis, and a thorough review of available literature.
For full access to Pastoralists at War: Violence and Security in the Kenya-Sudan-Uganda Border Region, kindly follow the link.
Kenya has experienced the effects of small arms availability and misuse for many years, but the unprecedented violence that erupted after the December 2007 general elections placed the issue of small arms reduction higher on the national agenda. The government of Kenya started a number of important initiatives, such as the establishment of the Kenya National Focal Point on Small Arms and Light Weapons (KNFP) as an interagency directorate within the Office of the President, Ministry of State for Provincial Administration and Internal Security. Despite significant progress, law enforcement efforts to control the proliferation of small arms still face significant challenges. This joint study by the Government of Kenya and the Geneva-based Small Arms Survey aims to assess small arms proliferation in Kenya (mapping their location, sources, and movements) and the capacity of various actors involved in small arms control and peace-building efforts in the country. For this purpose, the study adopted a mix of quantitative and qualitative methods involving approximately 2,500 interviews with households, representatives of civil society organizations, law enforcement agents, and other key informants from 31 out of the 47 counties of Kenya.
For full access to Availability of Small Arms and Perceptions of Security in Kenya: An Assessment, kindly follow the link.
This paper is based on research conducted in two Districts in Kenya namely; Baringo East and Marakwet East in the Kerio Valley region. The objectives were; to investigate the causes and socio-economic effects of cattle rustling on the Pokot and Marakwet communities. The research utilised both primary and secondary data collection methods. The sample size was calculated at two hundred and twenty respondents representing both communities. The results show cattle rustling has numerous causes that include; the availability of guns, commercialization of cattle raids, political incitement, poverty, traditional values, illiteracy and women. Some socio-economic impacts of cattle rustling included; migration, change of livelihoods styles, eroded cultural values and adoption of education and farming. The paper recommends that government and all stakeholders should develop Kerio Valley region through building schools, construction roads and market to improve the literacy levels and provide alternative livelihoods to pastoralism.
For full access to Nature and Causes of Cattle Rustling among some Pastoral Communities in Kenya, kindly follow the link.
Cattle rustling is on the rise in various African countries, with the associated number of deaths, both amongst cattle rustlers, security forces and affected populations reaching problematic proportions. Yet, there is limited policy-oriented research on this matter ranging the security-development continuum. This ISSAT brief, developed as part of the mandate Reinforcing African Union SSR Unit support to national SSR processes draws on existing literature, and provides an overview of cattle rustling in Madagascar, Lesotho, South Africa, Uganda, Nigeria and Kenya. A brief contextualisation is provided for each country, before outlining the security measures implemented to tackle the challenge, and deriving recommendations.
For full access to the paper, Cattle Rustling and Insecurity in Africa: A Comparative Perspective, kindly follow the link.
SSR refers to the variety of constitutional, legal, and policy changes that may be required to infuse the principles of accountability, professionalism, and efficiency into a security sector which has had a history of operating beyond the rule of law. Experiences from post-conflict and transitional societies such as Sierra Leone and South Africa show that improving security governance helps create peace and other suitable conditions for meaningful social reconstruction and development to take place. Security agencies must work in the interests of citizens hence the need to transform the framework for security governance.
SSR involves bringing security agencies under civilian control and aligning their operations to international best practices. SSR also involves transforming the underlying values, norms, and politics that frame the operations of security agencies. Successful SSR implementation will therefore partly depend on whether the state actually punishes human rights violations and corrupt acts committed by security personnel. So far, however, the rather slow pace of reforms in Kenya’s criminal justice system continues to shield abusive security personnel. In light of this background, ICTJ brought together eight experts with backgrounds in civil society, academia, and the security sector to share perspectives at a two-day meeting which sought to build new understanding on SSR.
The first presentation contextualized the idea of SSR within the broader issue of transitional justice. The second presentation examined international best practice for SSR as it relates to Kenya. The third presentation focused on the state and performance of Kenya’s security agencies, drawing its analysis from three official reports: the Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Post-Election Violence, the Report of the National Task Force on Police Reforms, and the Report of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions. The fourth presentation examined how the practice of vetting might be used to transform Kenya’s security agencies, while the fifth and sixth ones discussed the possibilities for a police oversight body and penal reform, respectively. The seventh presentation explored SSR as it relates to the problem of the proliferation of vigilantes, gangs, and militia in Kenya. Finally, the eighth presentation argued for the need to regulate the Kenyan private security sector.
This briefing paper is a synthesis and analysis of the eight presentations and the ensuing debate which took place among the broader group of 25 participants. It explores several questions among them: What is the state of security and the security sector in Kenya? What have been the outcomes of SSR measures undertaken so far? What approaches for security sector transformation are desirable for Kenya and how might they be pursued? What kind of linkages are policy-makers making between SSR and other issues in the governance realm?
Follow this link to view the publication on the ICTJ's website.
Kenya has long suffered from identity-based politics that discriminate by ethnicity, contributing to divisions in communities and election violence. Devolution was meant to reduce this discrimination – but has it delivered on the promise of greater inclusion, accountability and peace?
To help answer this question, this report explores how devolution is affecting inclusion and conflict dynamics in Isiolo County, Kenya.The research reveals some encouraging signs of devolution, but also finds that devolution has brought its own profound challenges that undermine inclusive governance and threaten peace – including ethnic divisions and exclusion, gender inequality, corruption and weak accountability.
For full access to the report, Delivering on the Promise of Peace? Devolution, Inclusion and Local Conflicts in Kenya, please follow the link.
Gender justice sees equal power relations, privilege, dignity, and freedom for people of different genders as a necessary component for any “just” society and a prerequisite for development. Gender justice includes gender equality, meaning substantive freedom for all genders to have genuine choices about their lives. Mirroring a global pattern in peace and security practice and policy-making, transitional justice (TJ) practice has tended to reduce gender justice concerns to violence against women (VAW). This policy brief advocates for policy-makers to adopt a broader and more meaningful understanding of gender justice, and to incorporate it into their TJ policymaking. To demonstrate the need for a broader understanding of gender justice within TJ processes, this policy brief draws upon a study conducted by the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) on the drivers and impacts of TJ in Africa. The study examined gender trends emerging from 13 African countries that had State-led TJ processes between 1990 and 2011, and their impacts up until 2016. Based on the academic literature and available data for the 13 cases, four key factors were used as basic indicators of gender justice: women’s political rights and representation; women’s economic equity; women’s participation in civil society; and State measures against sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV).
For full access to Transitioning Toward Gender Justice: A Trend Analysis of 13 African cases, kindly follow the link.
This report features 13 case studies that together highlight the range and impact of UNDP’s engagement with the media for the purpose of achieving development outcomes. First, it seeks to demonstrate that, across development contexts, UNDP has increasingly identified media engagement as a priority for its policy and programmes. Second, the report seeks to outline UNDP’s comparative advantage and unique role in this area of work as well as to spark new approaches on media engagement and build new partnerships with media actors, the private sector, civil society and governments. Finally, by delving into the challenges and lessons learned across UNDP’s initiatives, the report seeks to contribute to broader debates among a range of stakeholders on how to design more effective and sustainable policies and programmes to support the roles of the media, which can better meet the needs and challenges of today’s complex media ecosystems.
To access the full report, UNDP’s Engagement with the Media for Governance, Sustainable Development and Peace, kindly follow the link.
Initiatives to prevent and counter violent extremism in East Africa are being implemented by numerous organisations and are receiving significant funding to address the drivers behind violent extremism in the region. This report examined such projects to establish their objectives, target groups, activities, theories of change, evaluation approaches, donor organisations and funding amounts. The study also focused on the organisations implementing these projects and how they design them to address the violence in the region.
For full access to the paper Preventing violent extremism in East Africa: lessons from Kenya, Somalia, Tanzania and Uganda, please follow the link.
The Kenya National Dialogue and Reconciliation - Building a Progressive Kenya - Our Common Vision: Vision of Stakeholders
This document reflects the discussions of the “Kenya National Dialogue and Reconciliation: Building a Progressive Kenya” conference, which took place in Nairobi on 5 – 6 December, 2011. Held in the aftermath of a process of nationwide dialogue and at the invitation of the AU Panel of Eminent African Personalities, various stakeholder groups representing a wide cross-section of views and perspectives of Kenyan society participated at this conference so as to coalesce these views around the implementation of the objectives and goals of the KNDR process
In this comprehensive study, 12 experts describe and analyse the military budgetary processes and degree of oversight and control in eight African countries-Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Mali, Mozambique, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and South Africa-spanning the continent's sub-regions. Each country study addresses a wide range of questions, such as the roles of the finance and defence ministries, budget offices, audit departments and external actors in the military budgetary processes; the extent ofcompliance with standard public expenditure management procedures; and how well official military expenditure figures reflect the true economic resources devoted to military activities in these countries. The framework for the country studies is provided by a detailed model for good practice in budgeting for the military sector. The individual studies are tied together by a synthesis chapter, which provides a comparative analysis of the studies, classifies the eight countries according to theiradherence to the principles of public expenditure management and explains why individual countries find themselves with a certain classification. The book draws on the results of the country studies and their analysis by making concrete recommendations to the governments of African countries and the international community. While the military sector in many African states is believed to be favoured in terms of resource allocation and degree of political autonomy, it is not subject to the samerules and procedures as other sectors. Because of the unique role of the armed forces as the guarantor of national security, and their demand for a high degree of confidentiality in certain activities, the military sector receives a significant proportion of state resources and is not subject to public scrutiny. The book argues that while the military sector requires some confidentiality it should be subject to the same standard procedures and rules followed by other state sectors.
View the book here.
The proposed judicial sector assessment will focus on justice at the level of magistrate courts in Kenya. In addition to the general challenges faced by magistrates, it will concentrate on the role of the social context in dispensing justice. Social context in this sense means underlying socio-cultural structures and belief systems of a community as well as socio-economic backgrounds. This Economic and Sector Work (ESW) will assess the extent to which the social context of a particular region jeopardizes equality before the law; whether magistrates take the social context into account in their judgments; and the degree to which they can take it into account within the limits of the law. The main objective of the assessment is to better understand magistrate needs given the various socio-economic environments of Kenya within which they work. These insights will be used to inform ongoing justice sector reform strategies with the aim of making the magistracy service more equitable and accessible.
Articles in this newsletter include:
- Workshop on Draft Operational Guidance Notes for AU SSR Policy Framework
- Regional Experts attend Executive Course on Gender and Security in Malawi
- Symposium on Rising Insecurity in North Eastern Nigeria
- Regional Conference on Conflict and Security Governance in West Africa
- Consultative Meetings with Ghana Prison and Immigration Services
- Beyond Westgate: Security and Accountability in Kenya
- Sexual Citizenship and Security
- Gender and SSR in Africa - The Situation Thus Far
- MEMBER SPOTLIGHT: Paul Chiy
PUBLICATION: Masculinities, Militarisation and the End Conscription Campaign: War Resistance in Apartheid
South Africa by Daniel Conway
To access the newsletter click here.
Fragility, conflict, and violence affect development outcomes for more than two billion people. This poses a particular challenge to development organizations, governments, and NGOs alike.
On December 5, 2016, the World Bank and the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy convened a day-long conference to discuss some of these challenges, share the latest research, and exchange knowledge and experience from the field.
To access the entire conference report How Can Fragile and Conflict-Affected States Improve Their Legitimacy With Their People?, kindly click on the link.
STRIVE Horn of Africa (HoA) represents the first P/CVE-specific programme by the European Commission outside the EU with the overall objective to prevent terrorism and to counter violent extremism while continuing to respect human rights and international law. The underlying purpose of STRIVE HoA was to strengthen the understanding of drivers of violent extremism through evidence-based analysis; to develop best practices around P/CVE programming in the Horn of Africa based on short pilot activities; and to provide recommendations to contribute to increased impact and more focused interventions.
Given the STRIVE HoA’s particular focus on learning, an Independent Evaluation as well as a Lessons Learned Conference was included in the programme to be carried out in the final stage of implementation.
The Lessons Learned Conference provided a platform to present and discuss the lessons learned under the four results areas and preventative communication as well as an opportunity for the independent evaluators to present their key findings and recommendations. A broad range of P/CVE colleagues from EU institutions, EU member states, international organisations and civil society participated in the conference. Following the conference a Lessons Learned Report was produced based on the presentations, discussions and key recommendations in relation to the four result areas and preventative communication, while also including the key findings and recommendations of the independent Evaluation Report.
For full access to the Lessons Learned Report, kindly follow the link.
In recent years, Kenya has seen an increasing interest in understanding the participation of women in violent extremist activity. This report summarises the proceedings of a research seminar jointly hosted by RUSI and the French Institute for Research in Africa that investigated women's involvement with violent extremist organisations and the gendered impact of violent extremism.
For full access to the conference report, Gender and Violent Extremism, kindly follow the link.
ASSN Quarterly is published by the African Security Sector Network. It highlights the activities of the network, as well as other developments in the fields of Security and Justice Reform, both in Africa and beyond.
Below are some of the highlights in this edition:
- The African Union Launches a Programme to Build its Security Sector Reform (SSR) Capacity in partnership with the European Union, the United Nations and the ASSN
- A Stakeholders' Meeting on Lessons Learned in Kenyan Police Reforms, organised in Nairobi by the ASSN's Regional Hub for East Africa and the Great Lakes Region
- A Roundtable on Security Sector Expenditure Reviews, organised by the World Bank and the International Security Sector Advisory Team (ISSAT)
- Southern Africa Launches a Revised Strategic Plan on Defence and Security
- Papua New Guinea Develops a National Security Policy (NSP)
- Various updates about the Security and Justice Sector-related activities of individual members of the ASSN network, as well as the inauguration of the ASSN's new Interim Executive Committee and profiles of some of the ASSN's newest members