Policy and Research Papers
This report initiates the second phase of a large, three-step, Clingendale Institute research project into the role of local justice and security providers and non-state actors in the delivery of justice and security as public goods and services. Specifically, the report examines how, in Colombia, local justice and safety networks deliver services to citizens when a significant percentage of the population in a given community do not have confidence in the country’s centralized state agencies (national police service; judiciary and the courts) and/or where the services provided by those centralized agencies are scarce and have limited effectiveness for those living in that community. The report outlines a series of practical entry points and programmatic alternatives that donors can consider, from which a concrete and operational justice and security program (s) could be designed. Furthermore, it is suggested that in the short- to intermediate- term, donors may have few options but to support initiatives that work with these local neighbourhood providers.
This paper examines the value of an alternative approach to SSR policy, namely a multi-layered one in post-conflict and fragile state environments. It begins by arguing that there is a state-centric bias in current SSR policy and practice. This contradicts development principles of a ‘people-centred, locally owned’ approach in post-conflict and fragile state contexts. The SSR's state-centric approach rests upon two fallacies: that the post-conflict and fragile state is capable of delivering justice and security; and that it is the main actor in security and justice. The paper goes on to present the outline of a multi-layered strategy. This addresses the issue of who is actually providing justice and security in post-conflict and fragile states. The paper continues by describing the accountability mechanisms that could be pursued by SSR programmes in support of this approach. The conclusion is that the advantage of the multi-layered approach is that it is based not on the state's capacity, but on the quality and efficacy of the services received by the end user, regardless of who delivers that service.
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- Security sector reform (SSR) policies and operational guidance have proved to be ineffective in prioritizing, sequencing, managing, and implementing donor-supported initiatives.
- SSR policies and operational guidance do not reflect economic and political realities in donor countries. This disjunction requires greater selectivity in the choice of partner countries and the kind of pragmatic support provided.
- A significant imbalance exists between supply and demand for justice and security development, as core segments of partner governments typically resists and will continue to resists key provisions of SSR.
- Political will in partner countries is, like its companion concept, local ownership, highly fragmented, reflecting a natural competition between and among rationally self interested stakeholders.
- Effective programming requires donors to direct their influence and support toward those constituencies (and their leadership) in whose self-interest is to implement SSR programs, despite the resistance to justice and security development by other stakeholders and competing political actors.
- Donor-supported justice and security programs should be disaggragated and should concentrate on narrowly defines problems and issues, rather than seek to be holistic and comprehensive.
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Going local to support youth-neighborhood watch-community development groups
This report on South Kivu is part of the second phase of a three-step research project into the role of local justice and security providers and non-state actors in fragile states. The research explores how local justice and security networks deliver services to citizens when a significant percentage of the population in the community do not have confidence in the country’s centralized state agencies (national police service; judiciary and the courts) and/or where the services provided by those agencies are scarce and/or have limited effectiveness within distinct geographic areas.
This policy brief examines Africa's most overlooked organised criminal activity.
Most analyses of organised crime in Africa focus on illegal trafficking of commodities such as drugs, arms and wildlife. However, there have been few studies of what may be the largest type of organised criminal activity in Africa: land allocation, real estate and property development, which includes infrastructure and the delivery of basic public services such as water and electricity, particularly in urban areas. All 10 of the world’s fastest-growing cities are in Africa and Africa’s urban population is projected to double by 2030–2035. By then, 50% of all Africans are likely to live in urban areas, mainly in informal settlements. This policy brief recommends steps that can make urban development less vulnerable to crime.
Effective peacebuilding in the aftermath of civil war usually requires the deep reform of security institutions, a process frequently known as security sector reform. Nearly every major donor, as well as a growing number of international organizations, supports the reform of security organizations in countries emerging from conflict and suffering high levels of violence. But how are reform strategies implemented? This collection of nine case studies examines the strategies, methods, and practices of the policy makers and practitioners engaged in security sector reform, uncovering the profound.