Congo, Democratic Republic of

Congo, Democratic Republic of


Case Studies

DRC: Transforming the Congolese Armed Forces

The Democratic Republic of Congo has seen the deadliest conflict since World War II. Following the overthrow of former President Mobutu Sese Seko in 1997, the country was plunged into several civil and regional wars, involving dozens of non-state armed groups battling with remnants of the Congolese army. The result was a death toll reaching 6 million, the destruction of rule of law, and a complete breakdown in the role of the Congolese Armed Forces in their obligation to protect Congolese civilians. The conflict led to the DRC being labelled the “rape capital of the world”59 due to the frequency and intensity of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) inflicted by soldiers, non-state armed actors, bandits, criminals and even community members against women and men.

International civil society organisations responded to these extreme abuses largely through condemnation or seeking to use the UN or other international channels to pressure the government to discipline its soldiers. However, this had little effect on the abusive behaviour of the soldiers, and resulted rather in polarizing relationships between the civil society organisations and the Congolese Armed Forces, who felt attacked and not supported by these groups.

In 2006, faced with this situation, Search for Common Ground took another approach, building buy-in from the Congolese Armed Forces themselves for a programme that would use the military’s own in-house capacity to sensitise their own units and build bridges of cooperation with the communities they were meant to protect.

“We began another type of conversation with them. One about enabling them to become protectors, not perpetrators,” explained Lena Slachmuijlder, SFCG’s Country Director atthe time. “We listened, and heard that deep down, they also wanted to change. They knew that if the communities didn’t trust them, but feared them, that their own security was in danger. And they weren’t proud of their record of abuses. We created educational tools to resonate with the soldiers’ sense of self-esteem.” [1]

SFCG also recognized that part of the obstacle was deep trauma and resulting prejudice and stereotypes by the communities, particularly in eastern DRC. These attitudes prevented the type of information sharing and collaboration that the soldiers depended upon to be able to effectively combat the armed groups and protect the communities under attack. The programme was thus designed to seek to change the perceptions by these communities, and have them participate in the overall reform process of the security sector in the DRC.

The first iteration of the program, entitled “Tomorrow is a New Day: Transforming Security Forces from Perpetrators to Protectors” began in 2006 with a pilot in the South Kivu province. Since 2006, SFCG has expanded the programmenationwide, reaching more than 40,000 Congolese soldiers of all ranks across the country in a programmethat is “about them” and “not against them.”

The project aimed to shift perceptions and attitudes around civil-military relations. It aimed to raise general awareness about the Congolese Armed Forces’ responsibility to respect human and protect civilians and build bridges of trust and collaboration among soldiers and civilians, particularly in the war-affected communities.

A key factor of success was the internal support the project was able to secure. The ‘Armed Forces Pastors’ (“Aumoniers”, in French), which occupied hierarchical ranks within the Congolese Armed Forces, and the Programme of Civic and Patriotic Education, a unit which had been legally mandated by the Congolese Armed Forces Headquarters to train soldiers and that was headed by an experienced and respected General, were in favour of the project. The collaboration with the Education Unit permitted the pilot project to scale to a national level and maintain official buy-in at all stages of the project over the last 10 years.

Some of the program’s key elements were:

Interactive Training Materials for Soldiers

SFCG designed innovative training materials, which the soldiers themselves were able to understand and then deliver to their peers. This included translating human rights, civilian protection, SGBV and conflict transformation training into accessible ‘image boxes’ with simple training manuals, supported by pre-recorded audio sketches in local languages and comic books. The soldiers were trained in how to shift from one-directional communication to participatory methods in their trainings. The soldiers were even trained in how to build improvised participatory theatre sketches to translate the human rights and protection principles into accessible real-life examples in front of their units. SFCG worked with a documentary filmmaking team to produce a curriculum-driven educational film with a focus on sexual violence and masculinity, with a discussion guide, for outreach to the units. SFCG trained soldiers to be able to use this film and facilitate discussions, which included discussions about their role as soldiers, their own trauma, their own sense of strength and masculinity. [2] 

Community Outreach

After the project had gained traction by training thousands of soldiers within the various brigades and battalions, the Armed Forces committees then were coached as to how to design solidarity activities to build bridges of trust with the communities they were meant to protect. The criteria for these events relied on the soldiers and the local civil society organisations’ joint assessment of the most damaged relationships. This meant that, for example, the Congolese Navy initiated actions with the local fishermen; the Military Police initiated collaboration with University Students, and Units in Bukavu worked closely with local women’s organisations. These activities included soccer matches, clean-up activities, town hall meetings, marathons, and longer-term collaborations including joint farming projects.

Changing Social Norms

SFCG also used its expertise in communication for conflict transformation to reach a mass audience through radio and television programmes and comic books. A radio drama series in Lingala and Swahili was broadcast nationwide, featuring a dynamic cast of military and civilian characters whose daily lives reflected the drama, crises and collaborative solutions that were gradually coming to be a reality through the project. The programmes clarified key issues around the Security Sector Reform process, including how civilians and the army could best collaborate to ensure civilian protection. Other magazine format radio programmes reported on efforts to combat impunity by the mobile courts (“audiences foraines”), which were moving around communities to sentence military perpetrators of serious crimes. Hundreds of thousands of comic books were distributed around the country, portraying the negative and positive roles of soldiers and civilians, reinforcing and popularizing the social acceptability of the changes that were underway. Billboards were put up in specific communities, as well as murals painted on the regional military headquarters with powerful imagery demonstrating the protective role of the Congolese Armed Forces working hand in hand with civilians.

These various forms of media also reinforced each other. The main character in the comic book and radio drama was a certain ‘Captain Janvier’; his name became so popular amongst military and civilians as the ‘bad guy’ that it became a frequent reference in every day conversations and discussions within the military units and amongst the general public. SFCG also launched complementary media initiatives, including one called ‘the Real Man’ (“Vrai Djo”), which highlighted examples of men, including soldiers, doing the ‘right thing’ faced with a temptation to abuse or harass a woman. This was also used in outreach and discussions with soldiers and the communities.

Measuring Impact

Within the highly fragile context of DRC, traditional monitoring was often challenging. A major measure of change however was the shift in perception of protection by the civilians before and after the project worked with soldiers deployed in their community. For example, in one evaluation, 54% of the populations of the areas of intervention reported relationships with the military as being good to very good, compared to only 32% in control areas. There were also powerful qualitative measures of change, such as the ability of a military unit that had participated in the programme to undertake an important, high-risk military operation in Katanga, without committing any human rights abuses. And the relationship building between communities and the soldiers led to numerous examples of collaborative problem solving and a de-stigmatization of the relationships.

Overall this programme has inspired multiple projects within Search for Common Ground in Tanzania, Nigeria and Nepal. These experiences continue to reinforce the value of the Common Ground approach to the security sector, grounded in strengthening relationships of collaboration and enabling people to drive forward their own transformation.

Excerpt from the book Local Ownership in Security: Case Studies of Peacebuilding Approaches edited by Lisa Schirch with Deborah Mancini-Griffoli and published by The Alliance for Peacebuilding, The Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict, and the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies at the University of Notre Dame.


[1] See (Accessed on 28 August 2014)
[2] See A Soldiers Story: Ending Military Abuses. Found at: (Accessed 28 August 2014).

case study

DRC: Peacebuilding-based DDR

Following the DRC’s Lusaka peace agreement in 1999, the World Bank organized funding for a Multi-Country Demobilization and Reintegration Programme (MDRP). Beginning in 2004, a programme to demobilize, disarm and reintegrate 150,000 ex-combatants, mainly militia members, continued to function alongside active warfare. In North Kivu in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo, a small local Congolese NGO with fifteen years of local peacebuilding experience began a DDR program.

Drawing on peacebuilding skills, a DDR programmes run by the Centre for Resolution of Conflicts (CRC) emphasized building an infrastructure of support for sustainable reintegration[1]. CRC viewed reintegration as the cornerstone of successful DDR, and as such advocated calling the efforts RDD to emphasize the need to think about reintegration from the very beginning of any DDR program. From CRC’s point of view, the donor-supported DDR programmes neglected to consider how ex-combatants would cope with reintegration. Money was available for “sensitizing” armed groups on the need to disarm and demobilize, but money was not available for reintegration or for considering how to prepare communities where they were to be reintegrated. DDR programmes assumed ex-combatants would be integrated into the state’s armed forces, even though these units also were to be demobilized.

CRC designed a programme for reintegration where it became an opportunity for community development. Creating a preventive infrastructure to handle land conflicts was a key component of the CRC approach. Together, there was a coherent plan for livelihood creation through seeds and agriculture kit. This paired with the development of a community-based conflict resolution system that addressed issues of IDPs and combatants returning and settling on land.

Six task forces worked on the reintegration process, each with approximately 12 people made up of community and religious leaders, former child soldiers, and former militia commanders. CRC trained the task forces on human rights and conflict resolution. The task forces play a variety of roles through CRC partnerships with other agencies such as FAO, UNDP, UNHCR and Save the Children/UNICEF.

First, CRC advertises their DDR programme in a variety of ways. Radio programmes encouraged combatants to leave armed groups individually. Negotiations with militia leaders encouraged demobilization and reintegration for entire militia groups. MONUSCO (and before that MONUC) dropped leaflets from helicopters inviting combatants to call the CRC director to discuss reintegration. 

CRC staff would then travel without protection into the bush – sometimes waiting for several days - to negotiate with militia commanders, to return with all of their men or to release child soldiers. CRC provided accompaniment for 4,276 ex-combatants (3532 men, 270 women, and 474 children). This accompaniment ensured the safe passage of ex-combatants to MONUSCO or FARD camps where they are demobilized by removing their weapons, military-style clothing or other symbols of their combatant status and recording their names. CRC then accompanied them to the communities where they were reintegrated. This helped make sure that militia members made it all the way into CRC reintegration programs, which CRC viewed as pivotal to successful DDR.

Simultaneously with advertising the programme to militia members, CRC prepared communities for receiving militia members. CRC persuaded communities through incentives such as reparation programmes where militia members would do community service, such as building roads. CRC also provided a range of livelihood options, some available to non-combatant community members. For example, CRC began joint civilian and ex-combatant co-operatives for 1334 ex-combatants. Inclusion of civilians in the cooperatives ensured that ex-combatants alone did not receive the bulk of assistance, since this would create an unfortunate incentive for others to join militias. Cooperatives begin with 30 members and small grants of $2000 as start up. Cooperatives often grew quickly, some with 200 members, as they extend inclusion of others. Ex-combatants may provide community service by rehabilitating local infrastructure of roads and markets. This increases their acceptance by local communities and enables further community development.

CRC found that civilian communities provided a socializing model of civilian values and provided a new social network for militia members that affirmed acceptable civilian behaviours. In addition, CRC supported the creation of voluntary social networks to attend to reintegrated militia members and the community. This includes community conflict resolution task forces that help to ease social tensions. The CRC set up an early warning system and provided mediation for local disputes. The local conflict resolution task forces were created to warn of impending conflicts over land, for example, as IDPs return to an area. The task forces supported mediation to take place between key stakeholders so that an agreement can be made without resort to violence.

CRC supported 119 communities in the reintegration process by hosting call-in radio clubs for two-way dialogue on weekly CRC radio programs. Listeners could text or call into the radio show with their concerns or ideas. Some villages used these radio clubs as a way of fostering participatory planning and development on projects such as bicycle repair, hairdressing, hydroelectric power and propagating seedlings for reforestation. There is also a synergy between these programs. The radio clubs foster trust with local communities, that then makes the other stages of reintegration work more smoothly.

PeaceDirect, the London-based funder of CRC, is carrying out on-going monitoring and evaluation of CRC’s DDR effort. Ex-combatants who went to communities with CRC’s intervention are compared both with ex-combatants who went through other, non-CRC DDR programs, and with ex-combatants who did not receive CRC or other DDR support. Researchers also interviewed CRC-assisted communities and non-CRC assisted communities to evaluate their view of the program. Researchers found that 81% of ex-combatants who did not receive assistance would consider re-recruiting to an armed group compared to 58% of those receiving non-CRC assistance and only 10% of those ex-combatants that CRC did assist. An evaluation of CRC’s work found that its identity as a local organization with a long history of working with local communities enables it to be credible and trustworthy for armed groups, many of whom have become wary of FARDC, UN and MONUSCO. “CRC’s long term commitment, visibility, local knowledge, first hand awareness of the impacts of conflict at a personal and community level, networks of contacts and strong staff commitment and work ethic have given CRC great credibility with armed groups, with communities and with partners.”[2] 

Peace Direct also compares the cost for CRC’s DDR program, a small fraction of the costs of large scale, government or contractor-run programs. For example, the cost for these task forces was $1500 to start up each Task Force with $500 per year for travel funds. Task Force members volunteered 44000 hours of time per year. In contrast, some DDR programmes easily cost $1500 per armed individual.

Excerpt from the book Local Ownership in Security: Case Studies of Peacebuilding Approaches edited by Lisa Schirch with Deborah Mancini-Griffoli and published by The Alliance for Peacebuilding, The Global Partnership for the Prevention of Armed Conflict, and the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies at the University of Notre Dame.


[1] This case is drawn from Coming Home: A Case Study of Community Led Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration in D.R. Congo. London: Peace Direct, 2011.

[2] Peace Direct Evaluation Report cited in Coming Home, p. 11.

case study

"Chain of payments" project within the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC)


From the height of the civil war in 1998 until 2009, there were over 5.4 million deaths in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), making it one of the most deadly and protracted conflicts since the end of the Second World War.[1] The DRC has persistently ranked amongst the worst performing countries in the UNDP Human Development report rankings.[2] One of the lingering and most prominent causes of insecurity and threats to the civilian population directly stemmed from the poorly managed, ineffective and unaccountable armed groups, including both legitimate and illegitimate armed groups. Following the signature of the Sun City Agreement in 2002 and the subsequent creation of the The Forces Armées de la Republique Democratique du Congo (FARDC), the armed forces continued to frequently cited  for wide spread human rights abuses. In various reports[3], no meaningful institution protecting human rights could surpass the threat posed by DRC’s state security forces to its own citizens. Reform of the security sector institutions was continuously neglected leading up to the civil war and immediately thereafter, leading to poor control and management, low troop morale, and high incidence of political interference and systemic corruption.

As a response, in 2005 the EU deployed the EUSEC RD CONGO mission, which was launched to support the Congolese Government and security institutions to set up effective institutions that were capable of guaranteeing the security of the Congolese people. An underlying aim of the EU support was to ensure that such security institutions were respecting democratic standards, human rights and the rule of law, as well as the principles of good governance. Initially, the EU deployed advisors and experts were embedded into various departments and administration in the security sector institutions. The small size of the EUSEC mission did not allow for large scale engagements at operational level and a strategic advisory niche was preferred that focused on information and data collection capacity. In parallel, MONUSCO provided most of the operational level support.[4]

Entry Point

Long-standing perceptions of impunity by FARDC and rebel groups, alongside the need to integrate rebel groups into the FARDC as part of the peace process, placed security sector governance and effective resource management amongst the initial EU priorities for supporting SSR in DRC. At the onset of the EUSEC mission an operational audit was conducted as a means of designing the future work programme of the mission. The assessment identified poor working and living conditions experienced by troops, as well as a limited centralised information collection system, as a key weakness influencing the effectiveness of the FARDC. It is notable that the assessment did not highlight or assess governance issues.[5] Amongst the proposals of the assessment was a need to conduct a census of troops as an entry-point for jump starting a more holistic SSR process and to address the issues of non-payment or poor payment of salaries to troops, which was a contributing factor for the poor state of the FARDC. The operational audit became a key document shaping the overall reform of the armed forces.


From the onset the census uncovered over 70,000 ghost soldiers (eg. soldiers who were receiving salary but were not in active duty or registered or simply did not exist). In parallel, the issuance of biometric IDs to soldiers of integrated brigades allowed for a documentation of individual soldiers. The issuance of IDs, census and a centralised salary payment process collectively allowed the separation of salary payments from the chain of command and helped to ensure that the central administration of the armed forces has a more realistic count of available manpower within the armed forces (120,000 soldiers instead of 190,000). The separation of salary payments from the chain of command helped to reduce the incidence of cases whereby senior officers were withholding pay or taking a percentage of salaries from lower ranked soldiers. Soldiers receiving even a limited salary were a visible and key impact for a relatively modest effort by EUSEC, especially compared to the large scale train and equip programmes of donor partners. The elimination of ghost workers from the payroll eventually allowed for salaries of troops to be raised using existing budget allocations previously allocated to ghost soldiers. In turn, this improved troop morale but also reduced the dependence of troops on illegal activities for subsistence.   

Lessons Identified

  • 1: One of the limitations of the EUSEC engagement was that it did not lead to regulatory or functional reforms in the short to medium term. The lack of additional reforms undermined the long-term impact of the EUSEC efforts. Eventually a narrow reform process of the payroll system and failure to address the underlying management/accountability deficits within the armed forces provided opportunities for senior officials to eventually circumvent the system related to salary payments by siphoning off other budget lines instead (e.g. food provisions).[6]
  • 2: The limited political engagement and political capacity of EUSEC restricted its ability to address the political impediments to reforming structures, management systems and accountability lines. In the DRC context the SSR process is heavily influenced, if not controlled, by the office of the President and a failure to engage politically meant that key issues related to human resource management and chain of command remain unaddressed.
  • 3: With programmes that have limited resources, focusing on high level governance issues can provide a niche for the programme and raise its profile and visibility.

Selected resources

EU Mission to provide advice and assistance for security sector reform in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in the area of defence”; European Union - Common Security and Defence Policy, July 2015

EU Security Sector Reform Advisory Mission to the DR Congo Armed Forces”; European Union - Common Security and Defence Policy, April 2014

EU Mission to provide advice and assistance for security sector reform in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in the area of defence”; European Union - Common Security and Defence Policy, December 2012

EU Mission to provide advice on and assistance with security sector reform in the Democratic Republic of Congo”; European Union - European Security and Defence Policy, July 2009

The Democratic Republic of Congo: Taking a Stand on Security Sector Reform (2012) 

Footnotes[1] DCAF Yearbook 2009, p.89 [2] Human Development Report 2006[3] Can the DRC army stop abusing human rights?[4] DCAF Yearbook 2009, p.102[5] Narrowing the Gap between Theory and Practice, DCAF (2011) [6] DCAF Annual Report 2009, p.111
case study


Civil Affairs and Local Conflict Management in Peace Operations - Practical Challenges and Tools for the Field



République Démocratique du Congo : Les victimes de Minova en attente de justice

Cette vidéo relate les graves crimes commis par des soldats congolais, en novembre 2012, dans le village de Minova, dans l’est de la RD Congo, notamment des crimes de guerre, des actes de pillage et des viols de masse. En décembre 2013, 39 soldats ont fait l’objet d’un procès à Goma, mais seuls deux accusés, de rang inférieur, ont été jugés coupables. HRW, avec cette vidéo et un rapport, vise à tirer des enseignements de ce procès et de mettre fin à l’impunité encore trop présente en RD Congo.

Lien vers la vidéo: RD Congo : Les victimes de Minova en attente de justice


Albert Moleka : « Joseph Kabila a déclaré la guerre à l’ordre constitutionnel » en RDC

Réagissant à la convocation d’un « dialogue politique national inclusif » en RDC par le président Joseph Kabila, Albert Moleka, ancien bras droit et porte-parole de l’opposant historique Étienne Tshisekedi, soutient la position du G7 et la Dynamique, deux principales coalitions de l’opposition, qui ne souhaitent pas prendre part à ce nouveau forum. Il s’est confié, le 1er décembre, à Jeune Afrique. Interview.

Video disponible ici: Albert Moleka : « Joseph Kabila a déclaré la guerre à l’ordre constitutionnel » en RDC


Taking a Stand on Security Sector Reform

In this video, the founder of the Eastern Congo Initiative, Ben Affleck, gives his perspective on taking a stand on security sector reform in Democratic Republic of Congo.

The video is part of a release of ECI's 22-page 2012 report 'The Democratic Republic of Congo: Taking a Stand on Security Sector Reform', available in English and in French.

"In partnership with an international coalition of civil society organizations, Eastern Congo Initiative (ECI) is launching a joint report on security sector reform in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The report discusses the opportunity that now exists for the international community to partner with the Government of the DRC to reform the security sector and make a real impact on the long-term future of the country. At ECI we see the hope and inspiration in the Congolese people in our everyday work. This report describes a path towards more security if reform of the military, police and judicial sector is supported by firm commitments from the government of the DRC and the international community."

See original article and related video.


RDC : Virunga, au-dessus du volcan

En République Démocratique du Congo, une poignée d’hommes lutte pour sauver le plus vieux parc naturel d’Afrique. Depuis 20 ans, groupes rebelles, forces armées et réfugiés menacent ce sanctuaire de biodiversité situé en pleine zone de guerre. Les « Rangers des Virunga » défendent au péril de leur vie cette réserve qui abrite les derniers gorilles des montagnes, mais aussi d’immenses gisements de minerais, de bois et de pétrole. Ils sont le dernier rempart entre la nature et la folie prédatrice des hommes.

Ce documentaire met en évidence les liens entre l'environnement et le secteur de la sécurité et accentue en particulier les pressions subites par les parcs naturels lorsque le climat sécuritaire se dégrade.


Buying Time For Peace

Buying Time for Peace" is a documentary that will take you on a journey into the heart of the Great Lakes region to show you the unique role of an international partnership that is trying to break the conflict cycle and create the conditions for peace in central Africa. You will meet and hear from adult ex-combatants and children formerly associated with armed forces as they try to reclaim their lives after conflict. They are participating in the largest program of its kind in the world: the Multi-Country Demobilization and Reintegration Program (MDRP), a multi-agency effort funded by the World Bank and 13 donor governments, that supports the demobilization and reintegration of ex-combatants in Angola, Burundi, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Uganda. You will also meet MDRP specialists living and working in the region, such as Dinga, a former Colonel from Chad now in Burundi, Gromo in Rwanda, who has spent most of his life working on humanitarian issues in Africa and who witnessed the Rwandan genocide in 1994 first hand, and Harald, who spends much of his time in the more unstable parts of eastern Congo.

This film was directed by Philip Carr and produced by Bruno Donat.

The film is not available for embedding on our site but you can watch it on Youtube here:



Kujenga Amani: Peacebuilding in Africa

International peacebuilding efforts in conflict-affected countries, including the DRC, typically prioritize top-down approaches. According to Séverine Autesserre—an expert on peacebuilding, humanitarian aid, and African politics—international peace organizations rarely tap into local knowledge and expertise or consider the voices of local communities.

For episode 2 of the African Peacebuilding Network, Kujenga Amani  podcast, Séverine Autesserre, a professor of Political Science at Barnard College, discussed the overall impact of international peacebuilding efforts in the DRC, the difficulty of building peace from the top down and without input from the intended beneficiaries, and the potential for local peacebuilding efforts to transform conflict situations in the DRC and beyond.

To listen to the podcast, Kujenga Amani: Peacebuilding in Africa, please follow the link.


République Démocratique du Congo : où en est l’élection présidentielle ?

L’incertitude grandit en République Démocratique du Congo. Dimanche 30 décembre, les Congolais étaient appelés à voter, pour élire le successeur du président Joseph Kabila, en place depuis 2001. Les résultats de cette élection étaient attendus dimanche 6 janvier, mais ils sont finalement repoussés.

Afin d'écouter le podcast, République Démocratique du Congo : où en est l’élection présidentielle ?, veuillez suivre le lien.


Global Governance and Local Peace

Why do international peacebuilding organizations sometimes succeed and sometimes fail, even within the same country? Bridging the gaps between the peacekeeping, peacebuilding, and global governance scholarship, Susanna P. Campbell argues in this podcast that international peacebuilding organizations repeatedly fail because they are accountable to global actors, not to local institutions or people. International peacebuilding organizations can succeed only when country-based staff bypass existing accountability structures and empower local stakeholders to hold their global organizations accountable for achieving local-level peacebuilding outcomes.

To listen to the podcast Global Governance and Local Peace, kindly follow the link. 


Policy and Research Papers

La Décentralisation en RD Congo: Enjeux et Défis

Plus d’une décennie de conflits incessants, des millions de victimes, un état déliquescent, une partition territoriale de fait… Devant un tableau aussi sombre, peu auraient parié, il y a cinq ans, sur la possibilité d’initier un processus de pacification régionale et de reconstruction de l’état congolais. En dépit de redoutables difficultés, depuis la signature à Sun City, le 2 avril 2003, de l’Acte final du dialogue intercongolais, le Congo n’a pourtant cessé d’avancer dans la bonne direction. Bon an mal an, avec le soutien de l’ONU et des bailleurs de fonds internationaux, les Congolais ont traversé avec succès le parcours d’obstacles qui débuta par une longue et périlleuse phase de transition pour s’achever par l’organisation des élections législatives et présidentielles en 2006. Entre-temps, une nouvelle constitution avait été adoptée qui modifiait profondément les structures de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC). Le choix du constituant congolais en faveur d’un état fortement décentralisé constitue à cet égard une évolution décisive de l’organisation politique et administrative de la RDC. Cette orientation institutionnelle – qui transforme la RDC en un état fédéral qui ne dit pas son nom – résulte autant de considérations pragmatiques que d’un rapport de force politique entre « centralisateurs » et « décentralisateurs ». Quoi qu’il en soit, l’état des institutions publiques congolaises interdit de raisonner en terme de réforme de l’état. La tâche à laquelle s’attèlent les acteurs politiques de la RDC consiste plutôt à la reconstruction par le bas de fonctions étatiques qui avaient, pour l’essentiel, disparu depuis longtemps. L’importance des enjeux ne laisse pas d’autre choix aux Congolais que de réussir ce défi. Certains indices laissent penser qu’une prise de conscience est en cours. Il n’en demeure pas moins que les risques sont à la hauteur des enjeux. Ce rapport s’efforce de synthétiser les uns et les autres, sans oublier de poser la question de l’adaptation des partenaires internationaux de la RDC – Belgique en tête – à la nouvelle architecture institutionnelle congolaise.

Pour lire la suite de ce dossier, veuillez cliquer ici.


The Charisma of Authenticity in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

The purpose of this paper is to propose an analysis which discloses the various interdependencies that may exist between modes of objectifying the nation and the legitimacy of discursive strategies of nation-building in the context of a grave social conflict. The paper advances two interrelated arguments. Firstly, it argues that the order of conflict in the Congo is contingent on the strictly symbolic efficacy of myths of identity. Secondly it argues that the “charisma” of some of the country’s “Big Men” is a related to what I call the democratization of sovereignty, and neither to their supposedly exceptional individual qualities nor to a specifically African “Big Man”-syndrome. I propose that while one must be critical of the Weberian notion of “charisma” as a sociological theory of prophecy, one can nonetheless use the notion of “charisma” as a tool to analyse symbolic properties that accrue to a specific individual and his followers, to the extent that they embody a subjectivity which is held as absolute by his, or their, proper discourse.


Completing the demobilisation, disarmament and reintegration process of armed groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the link to security s...

An ISS analysis on the difficulties and challenges in implementing DDR and SSR processes in the DRC.


Security Sector Reform in the Democratic Republic of The Congo: Strategic Issues

The aim of this issue paper is to provide some ideas regarding how best to create suitable conditions for security sector reform (SSR) in DRC. Throughout the last decade, SSR has become a key component of the international agenda in states affected by conflict. There is a growing consensus amongst donors regarding the necessity of implementing SSR for effective stabilization and reconstruction. Since 2003, this has resulted in DRC in several donor-supported initiatives to strengthen the police, military, and justice sectors. Although some of these efforts may have initially shown must promise, progress on SSR in DRC remains very limited.


Congo: pas de stabilite au Kivu malgre le rapprochement avec le Rwanda

Le plan de résolution du conflit au Kivu consistant à privilégier la solution militaire s’avère être un échec. Deux années après le début du rapprochement entre le président Congolais Joseph Kabila et son homologue rwandais Paul Kagame, les soldats gouvernementaux sont encore aux prises avec des miliciens pour le contrôle des terres et des zones minières. Bien qu’aucune des deux parties n’ait réellement les capacités de prendre un ascendant définitif, elles ont toutes deux les ressources suffisantes pour prolonger la lutte. Dans le même temps, les civils subissent des violences extrêmes et la situation humanitaire se détériore. Les tensions ethniques se sont aggravées à l’annonce des plans de rapatriement de dizaines de milliers de réfugiés congolais qui ont fui au Rwanda durant les années 1990. Le Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies a observé la situation se dégrader à l’est du Congo sans s’opposer aux décisions de Kagame et Kabila.


Supporting SSR in the DRC: between a Rock and a Hard Place. An Analysis of the Donor Approach to Supporting Security Sector Reform in the Democrati...

This paper is the result of a collaborative effort of researchers and former practitioners with experience in the DRC currently working for Clingendael – the Netherlands Institute for International Relations based in The Hague, the Conflict, Security and Development Group at King’s College London in the United Kingdom, the Institut français des relations internationales based in Paris, France, and the Institute for Security Studies, South Africa. Hans Hoebeke, Senior Researcher at Egmont, The Royal Institute for International Relations, Belgium was extensively consulted during the preparation of this paper.

The authors of this paper have drawn upon their professional experience in the DRC and/or ongoing analysis of developments there. This has included interviews, conducted both in country and at donor headquarter level, of political representatives and working-level practitioners of donor country and multilateral institutions, independent experts, Congolese civil servants across the justice, police and defence sectors as well as non-governmental organisation and civil society representatives.


The Security Sector in Southern Africa

The Security Sector Governance (SSG) Programme of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) conducted baseline studies of the security sector in six Southern African countries, namely Botswana, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Lesotho, Mozambique, South Africa and Zimbabwe, as well as the Southern African Development Community’s Organ on Politics, Defence and Security (SADC Organ). The results of this research are reflected in this monograph.


The Democratic Republic of Congo Military justice and human rights – An urgent need to complete reforms

This discussion paper will review some of those issues, which are analysed in greater detail in the main report: Democratic Republic of Congo: Military justice and human rights – An urgent need to complete reforms. By examining Congolese military justice within its historical and institutional contexts, the main report outlines its strengths and weaknesses and defines the necessary conditions for its reform. The present paper focuses on the points that warrant urgent and specific attention by the authorities in charge of conducting military justice reforms. It picks out the issues analysed in the main report that seem to be most urgently in need of reform. It also proposes directions for such reforms. The objective of the proposed reforms is to ensure that military justice complies as closely as possible with the principles laid down by the constitution and international standards regarding the independence of the justice system and the right to a fair trial.
In particular, the report highlights three areas of urgent reform. First, the jurisdiction of military courts should be restricted to members of the military, and not extend to civilians. Secondly, the independence of military judges should be guaranteed and political interference in the conduct of trials cease. Thirdly, much stronger protections should be given to ensure the right to a fair trial in the military courts, in particular by limiting the discretionary power of the military judges. These reforms will need to be paired, of course, with parallel reforms in the ordinary court system, to ensure that civilians accused of serious crimes can be brought to justice with respect for due process.


The Political Economy of State-Building in Situations of Fragility and Conflict: From Analysis to Strategy

Fragile states have been at the heart of Western development and security strategy for over a decade. Bringing together the findings of five case studies of states that show clear signs of illegitimacy or a weak capacity to govern, including Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Guatemala, Kosovo and Pakistan, this paper examines the roots and dynamics of state fragility by placing the spotlight on the way political power works. The paper highlights the aspects of political economy that give rise to weak or fragile state institutions, freeze or reverse attempted reforms, create public insecurity and paralyse economic development.

The paper concludes with suggestions that may help guide a pragmatic and realistic approach. Above all, donors must be constantly sensitive to the structures of power, interests and incentives that can capture and subvert new formal governance arrangements.

To view this publication, please follow this link or download the file below.


Connaissances, perceptions, attitudes et pratiques des membres de la Police Nationale Congolaise en matière de violences sexuelles dans trois provinces de la République Démocratique du Congo

This study (in French only) on the knowledge, perceptions, attitudes and practices of members of the Congolese National Police regarding sexual violence in three provinces in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), is the first phase of a project run jointly by the International Centre for Migration Health and Development, and the Congolese National Police, tackling the issue of sexual violence.


Policing the Context: Principles and Guidance to Inform International Policing Assistance

This document draws lessons on what it means to uphold and promote core policing principles in our overseas assistance, providing a crucial insight into both ‘what works’ and the many challenges that we must navigate to achieve success. It is based on the collective UK international policing experience over recent years including Afghanistan, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and most recently in the Democratic Republic of Congo and in Libya.


Etude sur l’aide légale en République démocratique du Congo

Cette étude a été réalisée par Avocats Sans Frontières (ASF) à la demande du Programme d’Appui à la Réforme de la Justice (PARJ). Au niveau d’ASF, elle s’inscrit dans la continuité de travaux similaires menés au Burundi et plus récemment en Tunisie. Son objectif premier est de contribuer à la réflexion et à l’action des acteurs étatiques et non étatiques sur les mécanismes d’aide légale en République démocratique du Congo (RDC). 

Menée du 6 octobre au 6 décembre 2013, l’étude s’appuie sur des entretiens qualitatifs, individuels et collectifs, auprès de 145 professionnels (magistrats, avocats, défenseurs judiciaires et militaires, représentants associatifs, d’ONG et d’organisations internationales, responsables d’administrations publiques, et professionnels sociaux, etc.); une enquête qualitative auprès de 1571 justiciables; une étude documentaire et des observations d’audiences. Elle porte sur 6 provinces du pays (Kinshasa, Bas-Congo, Kasaï-Occidental, Province Orientale, Nord-Kivu et Sud-Kivu) toutes concernées par les entretiens; l’enquête quantitative cible les provinces de Kinshasa, du Bas-Congo et du Kasaï-Occidental, et réexploite des données collectées à l’Est (Nord et Sud-Kivu, Ituri en Province Orientale) dansle cadre de l’étude de base du projet Uhaki Safi (Programme d’Appui au Renforcement du Système Judiciaire à l’Est, PARJ-E), notamment 786 entretiens réalisés auprès de justiciables.

Le présent rapport est conçu avant tout comme un document ressource, un outil de travail et un support à la réflexion et au débat. Il s’efforce, dans une large mesure, de rendre compte d’expériences et de propositions des justiciables et des acteurs concernés.


République démocratique du Congo - Le secteur de la justice et l’Etat de droit

Le rapport sur le Secteur de la justice et l’Etat de droit s’interroge sur la capacité du secteur de la justice congolais à promouvoir, respecter et faire respecter la règle de droit, ainsi que les défis inhérents à ce secteur. Il dresse en outre un tableau éloquent des écueils qui affectent la gouvernance du secteur de la justice au Congo et sa capacité de répondre aux standards démocratiques, ainsi qu’aux besoins d’accès à la justice de la population du Congo. Il dresse enfin un ableau critique sur l’efficacité de l’aide dans ce secteur et plaide pour une meilleure coordination des partenaires echniques et financiers de la RDC, ainsi que pour un leadership du Gouvernement congolais dans la programmation et l’exécution des reformes dans le secteur  de la justice.


Limits to Supporting Security Sector Interventions in the DRC

Since 2003, the international community has invested considerable resources in keeping the peace in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Many interventions were focused on supporting security sector reform (SSR) and on the stabilisation of the volatile ‘militia belt’ in the eastern DRC, but these only achieved limited impact and the security context remains volatile. To explain why international efforts did not bring about the expected changes, the authors examine issues such as the peculiar relationship between the armed forces and local communities, and the neopatrimonial incentives of the Congolese elite. A largely technical approach that ignored the bigger political picture underscores the failure to fundamentally change the DRC’s security context. The defeat of the M23 rebellion in 2013 was a rare success, but it now threatens to take away the necessary pressure for meaningful reform.


A Window of Opportunity for Reforms in the Congo’s Security Sector?

The CSG has just published its inaugural SSR 2.0 Brief on “A Window of Opportunity for Reforms in the Congo’s Security Sector?” written by Nina Wilén.

This brief shows that in order to seize the opportunity, there is a need for renewed and reinforced collaboration between Congolese and international partners. In particular, the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) has an opportunity to grasp its long awaited role as a coordinator for SSR efforts.

This SSR 2.0 Brief can be accessed here.


La République démocratique du Congo vit-elle un scénario à la burkinabé?

La situation s'est brutalement tendue en République démocratique du Congo, où les manoeuvres du gouvernement en vue des prochaines élections présidentielles faisaient débat depuis plusieurs mois. Joseph Kabila, au pouvoir en RDC depuis l'assassinat de son père en 2001, a été élu en 2006 et 2011. Tandis que les élections de 2006 avaient mobilisé une très forte attention internationale et avaient notamment reçu un soutien très actif, financier et humain, de la part de l'Union européenne, les élections de 2011 avaient été entachées de davantage d'irrégularités.

Le second mandat du président Kabila arrivant au terme que lui fixe la Constitution l'année prochaine, des élections présidentielles devraient avoir lieu, auxquelles il ne devrait pas pouvoir se présenter. La Constitution établit en effet une limite de deux mandats présidentiels consécutifs. Les spéculations vont donc bon train depuis plusieurs mois autour d'une potentielle réforme de la Constitution par la majorité u
président Kabila afin de permettre le maintien au pouvoir de ce dernier.


Fin de la mission EUPOL RD Congo: quelles perspectives sécuritaires à l’approche des élections?

La mission EUPOL RD Congo est arrivée à son terme en décembre 2014. Un mois plus tard, des manifestations à Kinshasa ont été violemment réprimées par les forces de l’ordre et ont mis en exergue les lacunes et les dysfonctionnements persistants de celles-ci. La présente note publiée par le GRIP a pour double objectif de dresser un bilan de la mission EUPOL, en discutant notamment son caractère stratégique à la fois pour l’Union européenne et pour la RDC, et de dégager les perspectives sécuritaires dans un contexte pré-électoral tendu.

Pour plus d'informations et pour télécharger l'article, cliquez ici.


The Women, Peace and Security Agenda in the Year of Its Review: Integrating Resolution 1325 Into the Military and Police

Published by the Latin America Security and Defence Network (RESDAL), this report examines the integration of Resolution 1325 by assessing three UN missions: MINUSTAH (Haiti), MONUSCO (Democratic Republic of the Congo) and UNIFIL (Lebanon). Namely, the following questions are addressed:

  • Fifteen years after Resolution 1325 was adopted, to what extent has it been integrated into peacekeeping operations?
  • What approach has been developed for the military component? 
  • What achievements and pending challenges have been found in the implementation of this Resolution in the area of military and police tasks? 
  • What role does the approach on women, peace and security have in the peacekeeping review process? 

You can access the report here.


Groupes armés au Katanga, épicentre de multiples conflits

En passe de connaître une dissolution administrative, le Katanga, province la plus méridionale de la Réplique Démocratique du Congo, présente de nombreuses caractéristiques qui contribuent à expliquer l’apparition de certains groupes armés. Ce rapport du GRIP, publié en juin 2015, retrace les causes et conséquences des différents conflits entre groupes armés de la région, tels que la mouvance des Kata Katanga ou les Maï-Maï de Yakutumba. Cette étude a été réalisée avec le concours de collaborateurs locaux de la société civile congolaise.

Pour plus d'informations et pour télécharger le rapport, rendez vous ici.


Fighting behind the frontlines: Army wives in the eastern DRC

The wives of soldiers of the Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC, Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo) may not be very visible, but they are an integral part of the military. They live with soldiers, and often their children, in and around military camps and deployment sites – including in the most insecure zones. The military, however, defines them as civilians and does not provide them with any benefits packages, nor does it invest much in facilities like health care centres. Together with soldiers’ low and irregular pay, this causes army wives to struggle to make a living.

For the full report by the Institute for Security Studies on Fighting behind the frontlines: Army wives in the eastern DRC, kindly follow the link.


EU support to security sector reform in the DRC – Towards an improved governance of Congolese security forces

The political and security tensions in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) represent a threat to stability, security and development for the region as a whole. A number of international actors including the European Union (EU) and the United Nations (UN) have been playing an active role in terms of support to the development of Security Sector Reform (SSR), protection of civilians, security and stabilisation programmes.

This document by EurAc aims to understand and to assess the international community’s action and intervention in the DRC. It starts with a brief presentation of what the key points for a successful SSR are with a special focus on justice and governance (part I). In part II, EurAc gives an analysis of the general security situation in the DRC and its challenges. In part III, EurAc’s intention is to offer an overview of the mandates of EUSEC and EUPOL missions in terms of SSR, justice and governance. It intends to present EU missions’ outcomes as well as the strengths and weaknesses of their operationalisation. Finally (part IV) EurAc analyses what are the perspectives of the EU support to SSR in the DRC. The recommendations presented in the document result from the analysis produced in these four parts.

Please kindly follow the link to access to document: EU support to security sector reform in the DRC – Towards an improved governance of Congolese security forces

Document aussi disponible en français.


Recycling Rebels? Demobilisation in the Congo

Since the Second Congo War (1998–2003), the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Congolese civil society have attempted, with the support of international partners, to tackle consecutive cycles of armed mobilisation. Amidst other peace efforts, a key strategy has always been the DDR of combatants. This briefing by the Rift Valley Institute analyses why and how previous DDR processes have failed, and provides a sketch of the current state of affairs and future prospects for demobilisation. It reviews the impact of CONADER and the potential of DDR III, focusing on the role of combatants, commanders and politicians. In particular, the briefing discusses incentives for armed groups to join demobilisation programmes under conditions of high insecurity and distrust, as well as the relationship between demobilisation and remobilisation. The briefing argues that a holistic approach to DDR is needed, which would make it part of a genuine effort at social transformation and reform of the security sector, which in turn casts doubts on its feasibility within the current context of political competition and insecurity in the DRC.

For the full report on Recycling Rebels? Demobilisation in the Congo, kindly follow the link.


La politique des États-Unis en Afrique centrale et des Grands Lacs – Janvier 2015

Cette note publiée par l’Observatoire des Grands Lacs en Afrique s’intéresse à l’implication des États-Unis en Afrique centrale et des Grands Lacs, région qui ne présente pas en soi d’importance majeure pour les États-Unis, ni en termes économiques, ni dans la lutte contre l’extrémisme violent qui concerne d’autres régions du continent. L’attention américaine sur la région d’Afrique centrale et des Grands lacs se concentre sur le règlement de conflits qui perdurent depuis les années 1990, plus particulièrement sur la situation dans l’Est de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC) où les milices armées entretiennent la violence et interdisent toute stabilisation, et les exactions de la Lord Resistance Army (LRA) qui affectent aujourd’hui principalement la République de Centre Afrique (RCA) et la RDC, et sont présentées comme la principale menace régionale contre les intérêts américains.

Ces préoccupations américaines sont largement alimentées par les campagnes de groupes de pression à vocation humanitaire, dont les efforts de sensibilisation ont joué un rôle important sur les positions prises par le Congrès comme par l’Administration Obama. Cela s’est traduit par une implication diplomatique plus forte dans le dossier congolais et un engagement militaire significatif en appui des forces régionales luttant contre la LRA. À côté de ses deux initiatives, la politique régionale reste axée sur une ligne définie dès la fin des années 1990, celle du soutien aux partenaires stables et capables de contribuer aux objectifs privilégiés de Washington dans l’ensemble de l’Afrique orientale : la stabilisation et surtout la lutte contre le terrorisme. De ce point de vue, les États-Unis appliquent dans les Grands lacs, comme dans le reste du continent, une stratégie indirecte fondée sur l’assistance économique et le renforcement des capacités des forces de sécurité, focalisée sur l’Ouganda, le Rwanda et le Burundi.

Veuillez cliquer sur le lien pour accéder à la note La politique des États-Unis en Afrique centrale et des Grands Lacs – Janvier 2015.


Les armées africaines et le pouvoir politique au sud du Sahara

Dans un contexte post-indépendances, l’Afrique sub-saharienne a constitué un terrain propice aux coups d’Etat. Ce numéro des Champs de Mars, la revue académique de l'Institut de recherche stratégique de l'Ecole militaire (IRSEM), s'intéresse à la conception du pouvoir militaire dans ces pays, présentant les liens particuliers qu'il entretient avec le pouvoir politique. Les rapports entre légitimité de l'armée et celle du pouvoir politique sont donc mis en exergue. 


  • Introduction au thème : de l’institutionnalisation de l’armée dans l’appareil d’État (Axel Augé et Amandine Gnanguênon)
  • Le coup d’État de décembre 2008 et la transition controversée en Guinée (Dominique Bangoura)
  • La démilitarisation paradoxale du pouvoir politique au Burkina Faso (Léon Sampana)
  • D'une armée prédatrice à une force au service de l’ONU : l’exemple de la Sierra Leone (Aline Leboeuf)
  • Les institutions militaires sud-africaines et zairo-congolaises face aux processus démocratiques : éléments d’analyse politique et stratégique (Mathias Eric Owona Nguini)
  • Varia : Le rôle politique de l’armée dans les pays d’Afrique lusophone (Neia Fernandes Monteiro)
  • Post-face : du lien entre État, armée et société (Mathurin Houngnikpo)

Pour accéder au Champ de Mars sur les armées africaines et le pouvoir politique au sud du Sahara, veuillez suivre le lien.


Strategic Planning in Fragile and Conflict Contexts

The primary audience for this research paper is the strategic planner in fragile and conflict-affected states (FCAS), understood broadly as any actor involved in either the formulation of national priorities to mitigate or recover from conflict, or the design of international strategies to support such priorities. The paper explores the tensions and tradeoffs incurred throughout the planning process on a range of engagement principles, including national ownership, prioritization, and sequencing. It aims to serve two purposes: i) provide a broad concept of key elements of planning and ii) identify key recommendations for engagement as well as policy and capacity gaps in the international community’s support of strategic planning processes

The first section of the paper offers general considerations related to i) the tradeoffs and tensions inherent to strategic planning processes in FCAS, and ii) the challenges and opportunities that planners face, as a means to set the context and rationale for the guidance and recommendations presented throughout the paper. The second and third sections discuss the prerequisites for and the actual steps of the strategic planning process, with a focus on current practice and its range of tradeoffs and tensions, including challenges in formulating results for greater accountability and issues related, inter alia, to ownership, prioritization, and funding. The conclusion presents a summary of findings, along with key policy recommendations drawn from the analysis and the case studies, as well as suggested areas where further research could strengthen the international community’s capacities to support strategic planning processes.


Contesting Authority: Armed rebellion and military fragmentation in Walikale and Kalehe, North and South Kivu


This report from the Rift Valley Institute analyses the involvement of the armed groups in public life in the territories of Kalehe and Walikale in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The current political and military landscape in these territories, defined by the presence of armed groups and the consequent fragmentation of local authority, is mainly caused by unresolved tensions between and within communities over territory, authority and resources; the lack of capacity of the Congo’s state services to provide protection; and the limited success of reintegration efforts. The report explores how these armed groups are embedded in local communities, how they are connected to local power struggles and how they are involved in the exercise of local authority, including in the fields of security, dispute resolution and revenue generation. Armed groups are able to mobilize popular support by evoking two issues of existential importance to local communities—marginalization and security. While the former revolves around the historical marginalization of local communities in politics and governance, the latter frames local communities as in need of protection. These issues give meaning to armed groups’ bids for local authority and legitimize their engagement in a wide range of governmental practices normally ascribed to the state, such as taxation and the provision of justice and security.

Armed groups have evolved into dominant power brokers, which are deeply involved with ruling territory, people and resources. They have become part and parcel of local and sometimes national power dynamics, have colluded with local and national political and customary leaders, and have developed different techniques and strategies to impose or sustain their authority. The end result is further militarization and fragmentation of public space and social interactions.

To access the Contesting Authority: Armed rebellion and military fragmentation in Walikale and Kalehe, North and South Kivu report, kindly follow the link.


South Africa and the DRC: Evaluating a South–South Partnership for Peace, Governance and Development


The ‘Rise of the South’ and the role of ‘emerging powers’ in global development has animated much of the political and economic discourse of the past decade. There is, however, little empirical evidence on the contribution that emerging Southern partners make to sustainable development, due to the lack of common measurement systems for South–South cooperation (SSC). The following case study published by The South African Institute of International Affairs utilises the analytical framework developed by the Network of Southern Think Tanks (NeST) to assess the range, extent and quality of South Africa’s peace, governance and economic support to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The study reveals that South Africa, in absolute financial terms, is a significant development partner in the DRC, and even exceeds the traditional donors when its aid is measured in proportion to gross national income. The qualitative field research highlights that South Africa’s approach to development co-operation to a large extent reflects the core values of SSC, although with a mixed bag of successes and failures in terms of the results of co-operation activities. This pilot study of the South Africa–DRC development partnership is one of the first in which the NeST conceptual and methodological framework has been tested for the purpose of further refining tools and indicators for SSC analysis, so as to assist the future monitoring and evaluation endeavours of South Africa and other emerging development partners.

To access to the full South Africa and the DRC: Evaluating a South–South Partnership for Peace, Governance and Development paper, kindly follow the link.


Ombuds Institutions for the armed forces in francophone countries of sub-Saharan Africa

Ombudsmen Sub Saharan Africa DCAF

This mapping study on ombuds institutions for the armed forces in francophone sub-Saharan African states is a project initiated under the aegis of the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie (OIF) in collaboration with the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF), in the framework of the OIF programme “Providing Support to Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding”.

The mapping study is the continuation of extensive research conducted within the context of a first project entitled “Ombuds Institutions for the Armed Forces in Francophone Africa: Burkina Faso, Burundi and Senegal.” The objectives of the mapping study are to develop a comprehensive analysis of the activities and role of the ombuds institutions; to identify factors that may facilitate or hinder the establishment and functioning of such institutions; to encourage ombuds institutions to deal with the armed forces and to improve the functioning and effectiveness of existing institutions; and to involve the ombuds institutions of the states concerned in the global process of exchanging good practice and experience between existing ombuds institutions.

The research explores sub-Saharan states, some with ombuds institutions whose mandates include military matters (Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Niger, Senegal, and Togo), some who have established general ombuds institutions, but without such jurisdiction over the armed forces (Burundi, Côte d’Ivoire, Republic of Guinea, Madagascar and Mali), and some who lack these institutions (Comoros and the Democratic Republic of the Congo). The paper delineates some common characteristics of general ombuds institutions, before pointing the challenges they confront, from the level of resources to a lack of visibility.

To access the Ombuds Institutions for the armed forces in francophone countries of sub-Saharan Africa, kindly follow the link.


Diagnostic local de sécurité 2016 Lubumbashi et Mbujimayi


Le présent diagnostic, présenté par Coginta et l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), constitue la première étape du travail des Conseils locaux pour la sécurité de proximité (CLSP). Il vise à objectiver les problèmes de sécurité dans chaque commune, comprendre les comportements des résidents en matière de sécurité des résidents et analyser leurs représentations sociales sur la police et la sécurité afin d’être en mesure, dans une seconde étape, d’élaborer des plans de sécurité et de prévention de la délinquance qui reposent sur des bases solides et correspondent aux attentes des populations locales. Ces deux étapes – le diagnostic local de sécurité et le plan local de sécurité et de prévention de la délinquance – sont les outils clefs à disposition des CLSP pour objectiver, coordonner et créer à la fois du consensus et de la cohérence dans la coproduction de la sécurité par les acteurs régaliens et sociaux.

Pour accéder au Diagnostic local de sécurité 2016 Lubumbashi et Mbujimayi, veuillez cliquer sur le lien.


Between ‘Justice’ and ‘Injustice’: Justice Populaire in the Eastern DR Congo


Extra-legal ‘popular’ violence, whereby citizens kill other citizens ‘in the name of justice’, has occurred all over the world, at different times and in different places. However, there is a much higher incidence of such practices in some contexts than in others. The present-day eastern DR Congo is one of those contexts. Whether through violent mobs, or through ‘guns for hire’, those who are perceived to be ‘harming the community’ are sometimes killed without judicial process, but in ‘the name of justice’. How can we explain these violent practices? What do they tell us about the state of the justice and security apparatus in the eastern DR Congo? And what could be done to reduce the incidence of these irregular acts?

This policy brief published by the Justice and Security Research Programme from the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) looks into the causes of what in the eastern DR Congo is commonly called justice populaire. Contrary to what is sometimes assumed, these incidents cannot only be ascribed to the malfunctioning state-led justice and security apparatus. Rather, they relate to a wider crisis of authority resulting in part from the eroding role of customary chiefs, religious leaders and elders. Other causes are the high level of social conflicts and the militarisation of society, which render violent responses seemingly adequate solutions to conflicts and other social problems, Additionally, justice populaire provides a way in which groups with limited access to official political chan­nels, in particular the youth, try to assert socio-political agency.

To access the Between ‘Justice’ and ‘Injustice’: Justice Populaire in the Eastern DR Congo policy brief, kindly follow the link.


Multi-layered Security Governance as a Quick Fix? The challenges of donor-supported, bottom-up security provision in Ituri (DR Congo)


There is currently a lively debate among policy-makers and scholars about the role that local non-state actors can play in security provision in so-called ‘fragile situations’, or contexts characterized by high levels of insecurity and limited state capacity to deal with it. The idea that building security institutions based on Western models is the remedy to the insecurity of fragile situations, has come under increased criticism both from scholars and practitioners and has promoted the inclusion of local non-state actors in peace-building strategies.

This paper by the Justice and Security Research Programme (JSRP), from the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) investigates ‘multi-layered’ security governance arrangements developed in the restive Ituri province in north-eastern DR Congo, where different forms of insecurity affect people’s lives on a daily basis. It looks more specifically into ‘multilayered’ security governance in Ituri’s capital of Bunia, which is facing a high level of violent crime, and in the Irumu territory, which is the site of a violent conflict between the Forces de Résistance Patriotique d’Ituri (Front for Patriotic Resistance of Ituri, or FRPI) and the Congolese army that is relying on support from the Mission de l’Organisation des Nations Unies pour la Stabilisation en République Démocratique du Congo (United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the DR Congo, or MONUSCO). The paper argues that while international support for non-state security actors can help in mitigating insecurity, it should not be considered as the ‘missing link’ in security governance. Involving local non-state security actors in security governance is perceived as a practical way to improve security conditions, but the issues which produce insecurity in north-eastern Congo are far too complex and deeply rooted for such localised “bottom-up” approaches to significantly change the status quo. Furthermore, we argue that adding new security actors may result in tensions with existing ones, that in turn may have adverse effects on the security of citizens. This is because ‘security’ is a deeply contested political issue that is ultimately about who can enforce order. ‘Multi-layered’ security, therefore, should not be seen as a technical ‘fix’ to people’s daily security problems, but rather as a political choice, the effect of which can be quite unpredictable especially in areas such as north-eastern DR Congo, where political and coercive authority is deeply contested.

To access the Multi-layered Security Governance as a Quick Fix? The challenges of donor-supported, bottom-up security provision in Ituri (DR Congo) paper, kindly follow the link.


Stabilization in Eastern and Central Africa: Insights from Somalia, South Sudan and the DRC

RVI Stabilsation

This Meeting Report by the Rift Valley Institute (RVI) presents highlights from a two-day regional conference organised in 2014 with the University of Gothenburg. The conference took place in Kenya and assembled participants from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Somalia and South Sudan as well as academics and specialists from Europe and North America. The gathering sought to question, review, evaluate and exchange lessons on stabilisation programmes in the DRC, Somalia and South Sudan with the aim of informing policies that enhance peace and security in eastern and central Africa. 

Rather than presenting the debates and their conclusions in full, this report gives a central space to voices from countries that are subject to stabilisation programmes and complements their statements, explanations and clarifications with those of regional and international specialists and experienced practitioners in international aid, development and stabilization.

To access the RVI Meeting Report Stabilization in Eastern and Central Africa: Insights from Somalia, South Sudan and the DRC, kindly follow the link.


The Ebb and Flow of Stabilization in the Congo


The Rift Valley institute published an article on the ebb and flow of stabilisation in Congo. The author, Hugo de Vries explains how stabilisation has become a common word in UN peacekeeping missions, declaring it as their central goal. The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) could offer DPKO with an excellent test case for its ideas on stabilization. It is here where the assumptions and activities of stabilization have been tested for longer than in any other peacekeeping environment—and where the UN’s difficulties in moving away from a focus on short-term, technical solutions have become clear.

To access the Ebb and Flow of Stabilization in the Congo report, kindly follow the link.


Les femmes, le conflit et l’autorité publique au Congo

rift valley institute women congo

Ce document d'information de l'Institut de la Vallée du Rift par Jeroen Cuvelier et Marie-Rose Bashwira explore le rôle des femmes dans l'autorité publique au Congo et dans les dynamiques de conflit. Les auteurs présentent ainsi les liens entre autorité publique locale et genre au Congo, en soulignant le fait que les femmes, bien que peu visibles, exercent bien une certaine influence dans la sphère coutumière. Les auteurs exposent ensuite le rôle que les femmes peuvent jouer lors des conflits, qui n'est pas nécessairement pacifique par nature. Enfin, le document aborde la question du rôle des femmes dans l'exercice du pouvoir, et de la manière d'améliorer la place des femmes dans le domaine politique. Les auteurs défendent une approche qui met l'accent sur les droit fondamental à la participation au pouvoir plutôt que basée sur des arguments instrumentalisant les qualités des femmes, supposément plus pacifiques et efficaces que leurs homologues masculins.

Pour accéder au document d'information Les femmes, le conflit et l’autorité publique au Congo du Rift Valley Institute, veuillez suivre le lien.


Boulevard of Broken Dreams: The “Street” and Politics in DR Congo


This briefing paper from the International Crisis Group is based on fieldwork in Bukavu, Goma, Lubumbashi and Kinshasa and is part of a series of publications on the DRC’s broader electoral process. Demonstrations in Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), turned violent on 19 September 2016, when the Independent Electoral Commission (CENI) should have launched the constitutionally-required presidential election process. The author argues that to prevent more violence, Congo’s partners need to use diplomatic and financial tools to focus the actors, particularly the majority, on the need to move rapidly to credible elections. They also need to use their leverage and public positions to minimise violence while the political blockage continues.

To access the briefing paper Boulevard of Broken Dreams: The “Street” and Politics in DR Congo kindly follow the link.


An Index of Insecurity for Community Policing

With the advent of community policing, the notion of insecurity complexified. New dimensions such as the sense of safety, levels of incivilities, or the fear of crime joined the traditional crime rates to defined its larger perimeter. If, added one to another and often measured by crime victimization surveys, they account better for the notion of local public safety in its globality, the multiplication of indicators is a real challenge for interpretation and complicates comparative analyses and impact studies. We miss a single indicator summarizing the richer information. Advances in computing multidimensional indexes may change this. Inspired by studies of poverty, this paper shows how to compute an index measuring local insecurity while accounting for its complexity. It then formulates a series of synthetic indicators measuring the incidence of insecurity, its severity, rates of extreme insecurity, and “sensitive” neighborhoods. These indicators - and how they can be useful for defining local strategies of community policing - are illustrated with examples from cities in the Republic of Guinea and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

For full access to the report An Index of Insecurity for Community Policing, kindly follow the link.


République démocratique du Congo : une alternance pacifique est-elle encore possible ?

Cette analyse se penche sur les perspectives à court terme pour la République Démocratique du Congo qui se trouve dans l'impasse politique, en soulignant notamment les relations entre le pouvoir en place et les forces de sécurité.

Pour accéder à l'étude République démocratique du Congo : une alternance pacifique est-elle encore possible ?, veuillez cliquer sur le lien.


RDC : les enjeux du redécoupage territorial - Décentralisation, équilibres des pouvoirs, calculs électoraux et risques sécuritaires

Le 9 janvier 2015, le Parlement congolais adoptait la loi relative au redécoupage du pays en 26 provinces, contre 11, initialement. Bien que cette réforme, indispensable dans un pays aux dimensions continentales, figure dans la Constitution de 2006, sa mise en œuvre aura attendu près de dix ans. Elle intervient surtout dans un contexte de tensions politiques, à moins d’une année de la fin du deuxième et dernier mandat constitutionnel du président Joseph Kabila. Cette étude se penche sur les conséquences directes de ces mesures sur le climat politique et sécuritaire perceptible dans le pays.  

Pour accéder à l'étude RDC : les enjeux du redécoupage territorial - Décentralisation, équilibres des pouvoirs, calculs électoraux et risques sécuritaires, veuillez cliquer sur le lien.


La Convention de Kinshasa sur les armes légères entre en vigueur : et après ?

Cette étude du GRIP se penche sur l’utilisation des armes légères et de petit calibre (ALPC), qui est omniprésente dans l’ensemble des conflits armés actuels en Afrique, alimentant la violence, entravant la sécurité humaine et le développement. Relativement faciles à se procurer, très meurtrières et aisément dissimulables pour échapper aux contrôles, on compterait quelque 100 millions d’ALPC en Afrique, et la lutte contre leur prolifération est donc devenue un enjeu majeur pour le continent.

Pour accéder à l'étude La Convention de Kinshasa sur les armes légères entre en vigueur : et après ?, veuillez cliquer sur le lien.


Les institutions du secteur de la sécurité et la crise politique de la RDC

Cet article est le quatrième d’une série qui analyse les défis actuels auquel fait face le processus démocratique en République démocratique du Congo, et comment divers acteurs et institutions détermineront les aboutissements. Il fait notamment le bilan du secteur de la sécurité en RDC et du rôle qu’il pourrait jouer dans les espoirs d’une transition démocratique dans le pays.

Pour accéder à l'étude Les institutions du secteur de la sécurité et la crise politique de la RDC, veuillez suivre le lien.


Les Missions de stabilisation en RDC et Mali : Les limites de l'ONU dans l'imposition de la paix

A partir des missions de stabilisation de l’ONU en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) et au Mali, cette note s'interroge sur les implications politiques que des mandats d’imposition de la paix peuvent avoir dans la gestion des conflits violents en Afrique, et identifie la réforme des secteurs de la sécurité comme un prérequis à leur succès.

Pour accéder à la note Les Missions de stabilisation en RDC et Mali : Les limites de l'ONU dans l'imposition de la paix, veuillez suivre le lien.


RD Congo : dangereuse guerre d’influence dans l’ex-Katanga

Cette étude de l'International Crisis Group évoque les difficultés rencontrées par la RDC dans son entreprise de reconstruction de l'Etat ainsi que les menaces à la sécurité humaine auxquelles font face les populations de l’ex-province du Katanga. Depuis 2015, des tensions parcourent la région. Le mécontentement envers Kinshasa gagne du terrain face aux manœuvres politiques et à une situation économique dégradée, tandis que la région est un enjeu majeur pour le président Kabila, déterminé à se maintenir au pouvoir.

Pour accéder à l'étude RD Congo : dangereuse guerre d’influence dans l’ex-Katanga, veuillez suivre le lien. 


Kasaï: une rébellion de trop pour le pouvoir de la RDC?

Cette note se focalise sur la situation actuelle dans la région du Kasaï où, depuis août 2016, les miliciens du « Kamuina Nsapu » affrontent la Police nationale congolaise (PNC) et les Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo (FARDC) au Kasaï, dans le centre du pays.

Pour accéder à l'étude Kasaï: une rébellion de trop pour le pouvoir de la RDC?, veuillez suivre le lien.


DFID - Security and Justice Sector Reform Programming in Africa

This document is a review of security and justice sector reform (SJSR) programmes and lessons learned from 2001 to 2005 that were part of DFID's Africa Conflict Prevent Pool (ACPP). The programmes were reviewed based on the criteria of coherence, effectiveness, and impact.


Caron End of assignment report MONUC

End of assignment of LGen (Ret) Marc Caron as the SSR advisor to the SRSG of MONUC.


Vers une action concertée en RDC

Les manœuvres dilatoires du président Kabila paralysent la transition politique de la République démocratique du Congo alors que les dissensions internes et la répression gouvernementale affaiblissent l’opposition. Face à une crise de plus en plus grave, les acteurs occidentaux et africains doivent coordonner leur approche, soutenir les efforts déployés en vue de mener des élections démocratiques et encourager l’ouverture de l’espace politique.

Pour accéder à cet article, veuillez suivre le lien. 


Time for Africa to take concrete action in the DRC

The fight between the Congolese government and the political opposition over who is right and wrong continues to drive the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s (DRC) electoral crisis, now entering its third year. This has been an important aspect of the battle to win the support of international, regional and continental forces – and has contributed to drawing the crisis out.

For full access to Time for Africa to take concrete action in the DRC, please follow the link. 


Placing everyday police life at the heart of reform in Bukavu

Security sector reform has been a central component of post-conflict reconstruction and development programmes, and the restoration of state authority since the 1990s. However, these reforms have rarely been successful in the long run. In the DRC, police reform has been a staple of statebuilding and governance strengthening efforts. Despite some reform successes, however, the Congolese National Police largely remains a reflection of the state. It is mostly unaccountable to those it is meant to serve, and used as a tool by some to extract resources and protect elite interests.

As a key state institution, sustainable reform of the police is impossible without a considerable overhaul of the larger governance framework of which it is part. While acknowledging this major systemic challenge, this briefing suggests that there may nevertheless be some more modest, yet impactful, gains to be made through police reform. By focusing on the everyday work and life of police personnel, future reforms could contribute to changing police behaviour on the streets and in police stations, at the interface between the police and the population where it may arguably matter most.

Based on seven months of qualitative research on the PNC conducted in Bukavu between 2016 and 2017, this briefing argues that targeted police reforms, informed and driven by local actors, can affect change, and often in a more sustainable—and financially viable—fashion than past large-scale donor-driven reform support programmes.


Army Reconstruction in the Democratic Republic of the Congo 2003-2009

Since the peace agreements of 2002–2003 which ended the second war in the Democratic Republic of Congo, reconstruction of the army has been an inherently political process, in common with other attempts to carry out security sector reform (SSR). This article briefly sketches out the Congolese army’s history.

For full access to the paper, Army Reconstruction in the Democratic Republic of the Congo 2003-2009, please follow the link.


Rétropédalage du cycle électoral et ses conséquences sur la paix en République démocratique du Congo

Le président Joseph Kabila ayant terminé son deuxième et dernier mandat, le troisième cycle électoral devait être organisé en novembre 2016. Cependant, les élections n'ayant pas été tenues dans le délai constitutionnel, le pays a plongé dans une vague de manifestations pacifiques, réprimées dans le sang. Pour apaiser cette tension et sortir de l’impasse dans laquelle se trouvait le processus électoral, deux accords politiques ont été conclus en date du 18 novembre et 31 décembre 2016, dans lesquels les parties prenantes s'engageaient à tenir des élections en décembre 2017. Néanmoins, quelques mois plus tard, force est de constater le non-respect de ces accords, qui plonge le pays dans une instabilité et un avenir incertain.

Le président Joseph Kabila estime que le coût des élections demeure exorbitant. Ainsi, il suggère une réflexion profonde pour faire un choix « entre démocratie et développement ». Toutefois, comme il refuse de déclarer qu’il quittera le pouvoir, nous sommes d’avis que, tant qu’il n’aura pas la possibilité d’organiser les élections dans lesquelles il sera candidat à sa propre succession, le manque des moyens sera toujours présenté comme un prétexte de les retarder indéfiniment.

Afin d'accéder à l'analyse, Rétropédalage du cycle électoral et ses conséquences sur la paix en République démocratique du Congo, veuillez suivre le lien.


Poker électoral en RDC : les enjeux montent

Les alliés du président Joseph Kabila laissent entendre de plus en plus ouvertement qu’il pourrait briguer un troisième mandat ; les acteurs internationaux, l’Angola en tête, rejettent fermement cette idée. Pendant ce temps, les préparatifs en vue des élections prévues en décembre se poursuivent, mais les opposants au président et la société civile contestent le registre électoral et se méfient de l’éventuelle utilisation des machines à voter.

Afin d'éviter l'instabilité en République démocratique du Congo, il s'agit de mettre en œuvre une véritable transition politique impliquant la tenue d’élections aussi crédibles que possible, dans des conditions équitables et ainsi renforcer la confiance dans les procédures électorales.

Afin d'accéder à l'analyse, Poker électoral en RDC : les enjeux montent, veuillez suivre le lien.


The Limits of Bottom-Up Approaches to Security Governance in Ituri

People are affected by different kinds of insecurity in the Ituri Province in the northeastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). This article investigates donor-driven attempts to improve security governance there. More specifically, it investigates bottom-up approaches to security governance in Ituri’s capital of Bunia and in Irumu territory. Whereas in Bunia people are faced with high levels of violent crime, Irumu is the site of a violent conflict between the Ituri Patriotic Resistance Force (FRPI), an armed group connected to the Ngiti community, and the Congolese army. 

Despite international and national actors promoting a 'bottom-up' approach to security governance, this article argues that localised efforts will be ineffective in changing the status quo in Ituri as the drivers of insecurity are translocal and too complex. 

In order to read, The Limits of Bottom-Up Approaches to Security Governance in Ituri, please follow the link.


Ituri devient la dernière poudrière du Congo

Des affrontements entre les jeunes Hema et Lendu dans la province de l’Ituri, au nord-est de la République Démocratique du Congo, ont éclaté en décembre 2017 et ont dégénérés en attaques au coup-pour-coup qui se sont rapidement propagées dans toute la province. Plus de 70 villages ont été détruits et environ 350 000 personnes ont cherché refuge en Ouganda voisin ou ont été déplacées à l’intérieur du pays. En juillet 2018, le Haut Commissariat des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés (HCR) a déclaré que ses équipes avaient reçu des informations faisant état de groupes armés commettant des massacres et rasant des villages entiers.

La crise politique en cours en RDC met à rude épreuve les accords de paix conclus après la deuxième guerre du Congo, ce qui pourrait mener à une situation encore plus instable.

Afin d'accéder à l'analyse, Ituri devient la dernière poudrière du Congo, veuillez suivre le lien.


Rebuilding Courts and Trust: An Assessment of the Needs of the Justice System in the Democratic Republic of Congo

The International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) and the International Legal Assistance Consortium (ILAC) organised an international delegation of jurists to visit the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in February 2009. The IBAHRI and ILAC mission was aimed at conducting a needs assessment of the Congolese judicial system in order to assess where expertise can be most constructively applied – both geographically and thematically – to assist the reconstruction of the justice system.

The aim of the report is not to present a full-scale analysis of the situation in the justice sector of the DRC. Instead, the report aims to assess the key areas where expertise and assistance can be most helpful to assist in reforming the Congolese justice system, based on what is planned and what is already being done regarding the DRC’s judiciary. The full conclusions and recommendations of the mission are set out in Chapter 7 of this report.


Justice-Sensitive Security System Reform in the Democratic Republic of Congo

The focus of this paper is to offer recommendations for ways in which the EU may incorporate justice-sensitive reform initiatives within SSR programmes to address the legacy of impunity for human rights violations and the ongoing human rights violations committed by elements within the security forces. The primary focus is therefore on those sectors of the security system that are currently both abusive and engaged in reform processes – the FARDC and police (Police Nationale Congolaise, or PNC). It is beyond the scope of this paper to examine in detail the justice and penal systems, although the importance of these in addressing impunity, as well as in a holistic approach to SSR, is clear. The author interviewed stakeholders and observers from civil society, national authorities, and the international community in Kinshasa, Bunia, Goma and Brussels between November 2007 and June 2008. Follow this link to view the publication.


Reintegration Assistance for Ex-Combatants: Good Practices and Lessons for the MDRP

This working paper suggests the best practices in reintegration program design include: planning of pilot activities for reintegration support at the start of the DDR process; investing in regular communication and outreach with ex-combatants, communities and other stakeholders; ensuring specialised services and program adaptations for vulnerable groups of ex-combatants including children, women and the disabled; and building broad-based partnerships that facilitate the evolution of reintegration activities into wider development programming. 

As evidenced by the successes and challenges of reintegration programs around the world, the institutional structures and arrangements governing DDR and reintegration programs can have a significant impact on the effectiveness of these operations. Minimum institutional features of particular relevance include: strong national ownership; the separation of political oversight and technical implementation bodies; decentralized program structures; timely and regular monitoring and evaluation; rigorous financial systems and controls; and a clear exit strategy

To access the full paper, click here.


Maintien et pérennisation de la paix: Quelles conditions et stratégies de sortie des opérations de maintien de la paix?

Les Casques bleus, acteurs essentiels des opérations de maintien de la paix des Nations unies, récompensés d’ailleurs par un prix Nobel de la paix en 1988, sont à la croisée des chemins. Le contexte des conflits a changé. Le rôle des Casques bleus et plus largement des opérations de maintien de la paix (OMP) évolue donc également.

À l’occasion du 70e anniversaire de cette « entreprise des Nations unies » (entamée donc depuis 1948), l’ensemble des parties prenantes ont adopté une Déclaration d’engagements communs concernant les opérations de maintien de la paix des Nations unies intitulée : « Action pour le maintien de la paix » (A4P). Son principal objectif, d’après le Secrétaire général Antonio Guterres, est de « combler le fossé entre les aspirations et la réalité », en donnant aux opérations de maintien de la paix des objectifs plus réalistes, en rendant les missions plus fortes et plus sûres et en mobilisant un meilleur soutien politique en faveur de solutions politiques d’une part, et de forces bien équipées et bien entrainées d’autre part ».

Pour accéder au rapport, Maintien et pérennisation de la paix: Quelles conditions et stratégies de sortie des opérations de maintien de la paix?, veuillez suivre le lien.


Transitioning Toward Gender Justice: A Trend Analysis of 13 African cases

Gender justice sees equal power relations, privilege, dignity, and freedom for people of different genders as a necessary component for any “just” society and a prerequisite for development. Gender justice includes gender equality, meaning substantive freedom for all genders to have genuine choices about their lives. Mirroring a global pattern in peace and security practice and policy-making, transitional justice (TJ) practice has tended to reduce gender justice concerns to violence against women (VAW). This policy brief advocates for policy-makers to adopt a broader and more meaningful understanding of gender justice, and to incorporate it into their TJ policymaking. To demonstrate the need for a broader understanding of gender justice within TJ processes, this policy brief draws upon a study conducted by the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR) on the drivers and impacts of TJ in Africa. The study examined gender trends emerging from 13 African countries that had State-led TJ processes between 1990 and 2011, and their impacts up until 2016. Based on the academic literature and available data for the 13 cases, four key factors were used as basic indicators of gender justice: women’s political rights and representation; women’s economic equity; women’s participation in civil society; and State measures against sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV).

For full access to Transitioning Toward Gender Justice: A Trend Analysis of 13 African cases, kindly follow the link. 


The Security Sector and Poverty Reduction Strategies

Provision of security is both a core function of the state and a necessary condition for the delivery of other essential services and investments for poverty reduction. Improving the effectiveness and accountability of security provision is therefore becoming an increasingly important element of Poverty Reduction Strategies (PRS) in countries emerging from conflict.

This note aims to clarify the challenges for integrating security sector priorities into PRSs by drawing on existing and emerging knowledge and practice in conflict-affected countries. Introduced in the late 1990s, Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) are standard tools for developing countries to articulate medium-term macroeconomic and social policies for growth and poverty reduction. Countries take the lead in setting a development plan, while the World Bank and other donors align their assistance programs with those national strategies.
This note focuses specifically on the World Bank’s role in supporting governments during the preparation of PRSs and discusses entry points for engagement in the security sector drawing from experience in a mix of conflictaffected countries. It is intended to serve as a resource for World Bank country teams and their national counterparts when designing PRS processes in countries where improved security has emerged as a national priority.

To view this publication, follow this link.


The Missing Piece in Security Sector Reform: Lessons from the Democratic Republic of Congo

In situations of deep crises of state legitimacy and entrenched hostility between citizen and state, like in the DRC, SSR initiatives risk reinforcing patterns of dysfunctional, weak, unrepresentative, or ineffective government by strengthening those forces without considering their relationship to society more broadly. Over time, such SSR approaches can all too easily undermine the very security they were intended to provide. 

This brief reviews the diverse and distinct efforts which have been undertaken in the domain of SSR and draws three key lessons and recommendations. While the DRC is a complex case, the insights it produces can be of use both in the DRC itself, particularly as the government continues to grapple with this challenge, and in other fragile states faced with the challenge of SSR as a pathway to improved civilian protection and strengthened state legitimacy.

For full access to the briefing note The Missing Piece in Security Sector Reform:  Lessons from the Democratic Republic of Congo, kindly follow the link. 


L'Appui Technique à l'EFRPJ dans un Nouveau Contexte Institutionnel de Gestion du Système Judiciaire Congolais

Cette étude capitalise les expériences de RCN Justice & Démocratie de soutien à l’Ecole de formation et recyclage des personnels judiciaires en RDC.

Veuillez suivre ce lien pour voir cette publication.


Reconstruire les Tribunaux et Rétablir la Confiance: une Evaluation des Besoins du Système Judiciaire en République Démocratique du Congo

Ce rapport, publié conjointement par ’International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) et l’International Legal Assistance Consortium (ILAC), fait suite à la visite en RDC plus tôt cette année d’une délégation de l’IBAHRI et de l’ILAC qui avait pour mission d’effectuer une évaluation de l’état actuel du système judiciaire du pays.

L’IBAHRI et l’ILAC ont constaté que les conflits continuels, les violations graves des droits de l’homme, la violence envers les femmes et les crimes internationaux ajoutent aux difficultés rencontrées par le système judiciaire, lequel peine déjà répondre aux besoins de la population. De plus, le rapport conclut que le système judiciaire de la RDC continue à souffrir de sous-investissement, de corruption et d’un manque considérable de ressources et d’infrastructure.

Le rapport complet peut être téléchargé iciReconstruire les tribunaux et rétablir la confiance: une évaluation des besoins du système judiciaire en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) .


UN Police, Justice and Corrections Programming in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) - A Compact Case Study

Case studies on police, justice and corrections programming for nine UN complex operations and special political missions were developed by Stimson’s Future of Peace Operations Program at the request of the Office of Rule of Law and Security Institutions (OROLSI) of the UN’s Department of Peacekeeping Operations. They are descriptive rather than analytic documents that help to organize, by mission, the issues and activities that the main study, Understanding Impact of Police, Justice and Corrections in UN Peace Operations, treats functionally, across cases, and are summarized in the study’s annexes. 

To view this publication, please follow this link.


Towards legitimate stability in CAR and the DRC: External assumptions and local perspectives

This policy report unpacks the similarities and differences between the aims and objectives of external intervenors, on the one hand, and the desires of local communities and key stakeholders, on the other. The report examines the discrepancies, similarities, risks and opportunities identified regarding the questions of the role of the state, the provision of security and justice, and inclusion and the social contract.

The analysis looks at the discrepancies and similarities between the assumptions of external intervenors and the perceptions and experiences of local populations and key stakeholders, as well as the risks and opportunities linked to achieving the legitimate stability that results from them. Its recommendations aim to contribute to guidance on how best to identify, account for and navigate these risks and opportunities.

For full access to the report Towards legitimate stability in CAR and the DRC: External assumptions and local perspectives, kindly follow the link. 


From Timor-Leste to Darfur: New Initiatives for enhancing UN Civilian Policing Capacity

As peacekeepers have deployed at unprecedented levels worldwide, the demand for police to serve in such missions has swelled.The United Nations (UN), for example, has increased the use of police from two percent of its peacekeeping forces in 1995 to more than twelve percent today. The mandates for UN missions have also expanded dramatically, with greater attention devoted to police and rule of law activities. This trend reflects a recognition of the need to establish public security, combat lawlessness, and support the rule of law and governance in post-conflict societies.

Over 40 percent of the police deployed in UN missions today are in Africa, with officers working to support and build more effective and accountable rule of law institutions in countries such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Sudan, Côte d’Ivoire, and Liberia. African countries are also substantial contributors of police to UN missions, with more than a quarter of those deployed coming from the continent.

This Issue Brief explores the current demand for UN police, looks at recent and ongoing reforms undertaken at the United Nations and in the field, and considers additional ways to address shortcomings in the use of police and rule of law teams in peace operations.

This Issue Brief is one of six produced as part of Stimson’s workshop series, A Better Partnership for African Peace Operations, made possible by a generous grant from the United States Institute of Peace. The series examined progress, challenges, and potential steps forward in expanding national, regional, and international capacity to lead and participate in peace operations in Africa. The six issue briefs produced in conjunction with this project provide background and analytical context for the insights gained through the Better Partnership workshops. Each brief also highlights workshop findings and identifies recommendations for the US, UN, regional organizations, and policymakers.

To view this publication, please follow this link.



Les forces armées de la RDC: Une armée irréformable ?

Cet ouvrage, consacré à l’évolution récente de l’armée loyaliste congolaise, les FARDC, est une étude descriptive, analytique et synthétique des réformes entreprises depuis leur création en 2003 jusqu’en 2014. L’ouvrage met en lumière les avancées et les dysfonctionnements constatés dans la mise en œuvre de la réforme des FARDC. Une réforme – dévoyée – qui a dérivé du cadre conceptuel initial défini lors d’élaboration et dont l’objectif consistait en la formation d’une armée nationale, restructurée et intégrée.

L’ouvrage aborde également, témoignages et références bibliographiques à l’appui, la mise en cause de la hiérarchie militaire congolaise dans les revers subis par les FARDC en 2012, notamment lors de la prise de Goma par le M23. Avec une remarquable contribution de Jerôme ZiambiKengawe, diplômé de l’Ecole royale militaire de Belgique, l’ouvrage analyse en profondeur les étapes importantes de la guerre menée par les FARDC contre le M23. Dans cette partie, l’accent est mis sur les conséquences de la prise de Goma par le M23 en novembre 2012 et les facteurs (politiques, stratégiques, militaires, géopolitiques et diplomatiques) qui ont concouru à la défaite du M23 ou à la victoire des FARDC en novembre 2013.

L’auteur identifie en outre une série de personnes qui exercent une influence dans le secteur de la sécurité en République démocratique du Congo autour du président Kabila, en mettant notamment en exergue le poids atypique de deux réseaux composés de Katangais et de l’axe « Banyamulenge-Tutsi-rwandais ». L’ouvrage se termine en proposant quelques axes prospectifs devant permettre une bonne réforme pragmatique des FARDC.


Peacebuilding and Rule of Law in Africa

The promotion of the rule of law has become an increasingly important element of peacekeeping and peacebuilding operations, particularly in Africa, where there have been numerous internal armed conflicts and missions over the last decade.„This book explores the expanding international efforts to promote rule of law in countries emerging from violent conflict. With a focus on Africa, the authors critically examines the impact of these activities in relation to liberal peacebuilding, rule of law institutions, and the range of non-state providers of justice and security. They also assess the virtues and limitations of rule of law reform efforts, and policy alternatives. „It brings together expert scholars and practioners from politics, law, anthropology and conflict studies, and features detailed case studies on Rwanda, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of Congo.Making an important contribution to debates about peacebuilding, and assisting specific efforts in reforming the rule of law after conflict, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations, law, African politics, post-conflict reconstruction, peace and conflict studies, as well as practitioners in the UN, development agencies and NGOs.


Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration and Security Sector Reform

DCAF was jointly mandated by the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) to analyse the policy and programming implications of the relationship between the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of ex-combatants (DDR) and security sector reform (SSR). Based on lessons drawn from experiences in Afghanistan, Burundi, the Central African Republic and the Democratic Republic of Congo, this publication is based on a combination of desk and field research focusing on UN engagement in DDR and SSR in both peacekeeping and non-peacekeeping contexts.



Security sector reform and UN integrated missions

This volume explores four cases of integrated missions which have provided support to national SSR processes: the United Nations Mission in Burundi (ONUB), the United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC), the United Nations Stabilisation Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), and the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). Its aim is to examine the role and experience of UN integrated missions in SSR with a view to developing recommendations for future UN engagement in post-conflict SSR. The opening chapter briefly introduces the two key concepts used in this study, namely SSR and “integrated mission”, and provides an overview of the involvement in SSR of UN integrated missions in terms of mandates, activities and capacities.


Joint Evaluation of Conflict Prevention and Peace Building in DRC

This evaluation was commissioned by a Steering Committee of bilateral cooperation donors and aid agencies1, to review conflict prevention and peacebuilding policies in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Drawing on examples from a portfolio of projects funded by Steering Committee members, the evaluation is designed to provide general conclusions relevant to all international interventions in the eastern DRC.

For full access to, Joint Evaluation of Conflict Prevention and Peace Building in DRC, kindly follow the link. 


The European Union and Security Sector Reform

The EU has emerged as a key worldwide player in security sector reform in the last few years, reflecting its twin role as the world’s largest source of development assistance and, ever increasingly, a major partner in international peacekeeping and police operations. In this comprehensive new study (February 2008), published in association with the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF), the authors: 
• explain the origins of SSR as a concept and the EU’s embrace of it, culminating in the adoption of an overall EU framework for SSR in 2006 • show how SSR relates to the EU’s development, enlargement, justice and home affairs and other key policy concerns • look at the multiplicity of resources, financial and human, the EU brings to bear to support SSR around the globe • discuss the tensions between the Commission’s and Council’s concepts and engagement in SSR and the efforts being made to coordinate action • show how the EU works in partnership with other international players such as the OECD and NATO • provide a series of detailed case studies of EU support for SSR in action – in the Balkans, former Soviet Union, Congo, the Middle East and North Africa and Indonesia 


Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration and Security Sector Reform

This volume sets out to break down these stove-pipes and identify positive associations between DDR and SSR. Drawing on case studies from selected post-conflict settings, it demonstrates the potential and reality of improved collaboration between both endeavours. Enhanced cooperation could avoid negative outcomes. These may include former- combatants dropping out of programmes, trust undermined in security institutions and the creation of security vacuums that jeopardise the safety of individuals and communities. A central claim of this volume is that programmes must be responsive to the needs and interests of different national actors. Without understanding the dynamic political processes that shape the origins, parameters and outcomes of both processes, DDR and SSR may address security deficits, but will be unfit to support sustainable transitions towards national recovery and development.


Other Documents

Rapport général de la participation de la Société Civile à la mise en œuvre de la Police de Proximité, dans la Commune de Kinshasa

La doctrine de Police de Proximité est expérimentée dans la Commune de Kinshasa, dans le cadre du processus de mise en œuvre de la réforme de la Police Nationale Congolaise. L’intervention des parties prenantes se fait autour du Projet COREKIN [Commissariat de Référence de Kinshasa], avec l’appui technique et financier de la Mission européenne de Police [EUPOL-RDC].

L’implication de la Société Civile dans la mise en œuvre du Projet COREKIN remonte en septembre 2011, avec l’élaboration d’une cartographie des acteurs locaux, confiée à une équipe de Consultants nationaux, tous membres du Réseau pour la Réforme du Secteur de Sécurité et de Justice [RRSSJ].

Quinze Organisations de la Société Civile furent alors identifiées comme Points Focaux manifestant un intérêt pour les questions de sécurité et impliqués sur terrain, au contact des populations des sept quartiers de la Commune de Kinshasa. Il s’en est suivi, du 12 au 14 octobre 2011, une session de renforcement des capacités des représentants des associations identifiées sur les généralités de la réforme de la Police.

Cliquez ici pour l’intégralité du rapport en pdf

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La MONUSCO facilite l’installation de la Commission de résolution de conflits à Mukebo

La MONUSCO facilite  l’installation  de la Commission de résolution de conflits à Mukebo, localité située à 160 Km au Nord-est de Manono dans la Province du Tanganyika. La Commission  est constituée de 14 membres choisis par les deux  communautés Pygmée et Luba dans l’objectif de relancer le dialogue intercommunautaire.

La mise en place de la Commission paritaire Pygmées-Luba vient consolider la mise en œuvre du plan d’action de résolution de conflit intercommunautaire lancé depuis quelques mois par le Bureau de la MONUSCO-Kalemie en soutien aux autorités politico-militaires de la province du Tanganyika. 

Article complet ici.

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Justice on Trial

Lessons from the Minova Rape Case in the Democratic Republic of Congo

A new Human Rights Watch report highlights the need to reform the Democratic Republic of Congo's justice system to better prosecute atrocities. The report focuses on the Minova rape trial to show how this is 'emblematic of the deficiencies of Congo’s military justice system in dealing with grave international crimes that persist despite years of international assistance'

Report on Justice on Trial available 

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The Challenges of Multi-Layered Security Governance in Ituri


There has been a slow, but growing awareness among external actors that some local non-state security actors should be involved in security governance in conflict affected situations. Already in 2006, the OECD published a report that called for a ‘multilayered’ approach to reforming actors and institutions that provide security and justice services (Scheye and McLean, 2006). Often these actors consist of local authorities, such as customary chiefs, village elders, or business people working in collaboration with different kinds of self-defense groups. The idea behind ‘multi-layered’ security governance is that the inclusion of local non state actors in security governance will improve security provision to people because they have more legitimacy. But in reality ‘multi-layered’ security governance is often marked by conflict and competition as much as by collaboration and common solutions to people’s security problems.

The Justice and Security Research Programme (JSRP), from the London School of Economics and Political Science, published this third policy brief in a series of briefs outlining the ideas and evidence behind their work. It highlights some of the opportunities and challenges of ‘multi-layered’ security governance in conflict-affected situations through a study of how it works in the Ituri Province located in north-eastern DR Congo.

To access to the JSRP policy brief The Challenges of Multi-Layered Security Governance in Ituri, kindly follow the link.

Other Document

Decentralisation of Security Governance: Facilitator of a Human Rights-based Approach (HRBA) to SSR?

The UN Common Understanding of a HRBA among UN Agencies (2003) was designed to provide guidance to UN mandates on incorporating human rights standards, norms and principles into all programming support components. The third paper from the HRBA Working Group from ISSAT’s Methodology Cell highlights the need for further study on Decentralisation of Security Governance (DSG) by providing brief examples of how Local Security Councils (LSCs), mechanisms of DSG, can help turn the principles of inclusivity, local ownership, accountability and participation into actionable outcomes in line with a HRBA.

Read Paper 1: Rethinking a Human Rights-based Approach to SSR

 & Paper 2: Interpreting International Norms for a More Impactful Human Rights-based Approach (HRBA) in SSR

For further information on the Working Group's research, please refer to the Rethinking a Human Rights-based Approach (HRBA) in Security Sector Reform blog

Other Document

Evaluation of the Results of National Police Capacity-Building in Haiti, Côte d’Ivoire and the Democratic Republic of the Congo by United Nations P...

Considered against the many deficits affecting national police forces when MINUSTAH,
UNOCI and MONUC/MONUSCO were mandated, the missions’ police components have
made plausible contributions to capacity-building. But for the United Nations to be more
effective requires the Security Council to support longer-term capacity-building with
adequate resources; an engaged and solution-oriented United Nations Headquarters providing
meaningful guidance to the field; missions throwing their weight behind inherent political
and practical challenges; and for Member States to provide better qualified police officers. This report identifies recurring issues across all three missions. 

To read the Minutes of the meeting of the Security Council, and the statements of the representatives from the delegations, kindly follow the link.

Other Document

How Can Fragile and Conflict-Affected States Improve Their Legitimacy With Their People?

Fragility, conflict, and violence affect development outcomes for more than two billion people. This poses a particular challenge to development organizations, governments, and NGOs alike.

On December 5, 2016, the World Bank and the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy convened a day-long conference to discuss some of these challenges, share the latest research, and exchange knowledge and experience from the field.

To access the entire conference report How Can Fragile and Conflict-Affected States Improve Their Legitimacy With Their People?, kindly click on the link.

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The Armed Conflict Lurking in the Countryside

The protests against Congolese President Joseph Kabila in cities like Kinshasa and Lubumbashi, only reveal part of the crisis the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is currently facing. The current fragmentation of authority in rural Eastern Congo is the outcome of a constant reconstitution of local political order, largely based on exclusivist and ethnic claims.

To access the entire article The armed conflict lurking in the countryside, kindly click on the link.

Other Document

Kamuina Nsapu Insurgency Adds to Dangers in DR Congo

Conflict in the impoverished Kasai region was sparked by local grievances but has spread to reflect wider discontent, including frustration over the country’s ongoing political and economic crisis.

To access the entire article Kamuina Nsapu Insurgency Adds to Dangers in DR Congo, kindly click on the link. 

Other Document

Justice and Corrections Standing Capacity (JCSC) Newsletter 2018

In 2018 JCSC focused on supporting existing United Nations peace operations according to its mandate. Assistance from JCSC was in particular demand to advance rule of law transition planning, implementation and lessons learned studies in Darfur, Haiti and Liberia. JCSC also provided specific expertise in substantive areas, such as the investigation and prosecution of destabilizing crimes in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Mali; anti-corruption in Afghanistan; and prison security, with a specific focus on prison intelligence and information in the DRC. 

For full access to the Justice and Corrections Standing Capacity (JCSC) Newsletter 2018, kindly follow the link. 

Follow other Justice and Corrections Publications. 

Other Document

Community-Based Reintegration Support in Eastern DRC

Since the mid-1990s eastern DRC has been plagued by a nearly unbroken series of interrelated conflicts. Over time, conflicts in eastern DRC have evolved from large-scale interstate wars to predominately local conflict. Ongoing approaches to Disarmament, Demobilisation, and Reintegration (DDR) in the region have not co-evolved to suit the current context of local conflict dynamics.
Today, combatants in eastern DRC leave and re-join armed groups in repeated cycles of insecurity, (re)mobilisation and violence. In order to transform these cycles, reintegration support must be delivered through a community-based approach focusing on supporting ex-combatants while simultaneously building communities’ absorptive capacity and overall resilience.

For full access to Community-Based Reintegration Support in Eastern DRC, kindly follow the link. 

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Police Reform: Lessons from donor programming on accountability, demilitarization and representativeness of police institutions

In a Security Sector Reform (SSR) context, police reform aims to transform the values, culture, policies and practices of police organizations so that police can perform their duties with respect human rights and the Rule of Law. Given the police’s direct interaction with the community and the powers typically conferred to them, it is vital to ensure that police officers adhere to high standards of professionalism and accountability in their work. A lack of effective democratic governance and accountability mechanisms over the police forces can have triggering effects on social unrest.
The wide protests across the US and Europe against excessive police use of force focused popular attention on running debates over policing and reform. The COVID-19 pandemic has sharpened this focus further. As State of Emergency measures have been a critical part of the global response to the pandemic, the discretionary powers granted to law enforcement institutions to prevent public gatherings have enabled to abusive behaviours in certain cases.

The wide protests across the US and Europe against excessive police use of force focused popular attention on running debates over policing and reform. The COVID-19 pandemic has sharpened this focus further. As State of Emergency measures have been a critical part of the global response to the pandemic, the discretionary powers granted to law enforcement institutions to prevent public gatherings have enabled to abusive behaviours in certain cases.

For more resources on Police Reform, visit out dedicated Thematic in Practice Page on Police Reform

Other Document

Evaluation finale conjointe des programmes d’appui à la Justice en République Démocratique du Congo mis en oeuvre par le PNUD entre 2015 et 2020

Ce rapport détaille les résultats de l’évaluation du Portefeuille de Projets Justice mené par le PNUD entre 2015 et 2020. L’évaluation a été mandatée par le Bureau du PNUD en République Démocratique du Congo.

L’évaluation a été conduite par l’Equipe internationale de conseil au secteur de la sécurité (ISSAT) du DCAF. La collecte des données auprès des acteurs du Secteur de la Justice en République Démocratique du Congo (Sud-Kivu, Nord Kivu et Kasai Central) a été réalisée par Justin Sheria Nfundiko (Expert en évaluation- membre du Roster de ISSAT). Une collecte de données additionnelle, à distance, auprès des partenaires Techniques et Financier, des responsables d’ONG internationales et des acteurs du Système des Nations Unies a été réalisée par Jean-Philippe Kot (Conseiller Justice ISSAT/DCAF) et Julien Moriceau (Expert Justice et Gouvernance, Managing Partner de, membre du Roster de ISSAT).

Other Document

Evaluation of the Results of National Police Capacity-Building in Haiti, Côte d’Ivoire and the Democratic Republic of the Congo by United Nations P...

Considered against the many deficits affecting national police forces when MINUSTAH,
UNOCI and MONUC/MONUSCO were mandated, the missions’ police components have
made plausible contributions to capacity-building. But for the United Nations to be more
effective requires the Security Council to support longer-term capacity-building with
adequate resources; an engaged and solution-oriented United Nations Headquarters providing
meaningful guidance to the field; missions throwing their weight behind inherent political
and practical challenges; and for Member States to provide better qualified police officers. This report identifies recurring issues across all three missions. 

To read the Minutes of the meeting of the Security Council, and the statements of the representatives from the delegations, kindly follow the link.

Other Document