United Nations Resolution 1244 placed Kosovo under United Nations administration in 1999, following the NATO bombing campaign that put an end to the conﬂict between the Albanian population and the Serbian regime run by Slobodan Milosevic. Since then, Kosovo has had two parliamentary and two local elections that created the Provisional Institutions of Self Government (PISG), and more control is being transferred to these local authorities. A Kosovo Internal Security Sector Review (ISSR) was undertaken to help deﬁne security needs and analyse the institutional capacity required to address threats via a consultative process involving local experts and citizens. The ISSR has been one of the most ambitious and holistic efforts at SSR undertaken in recent years, in both scope and methodology.
One of the main principles guiding the ISSR in Kosovo has been to ﬁrmly establish public ownership. The goal was to ensure that all of Kosovo’s communities were not only aware of, but had the opportunity to be engaged in, the ISSR process. The campaign aimed to enhance the level of public dialogue about security and to encourage the transparency of Kosovo’s security institutions and policy-making process. Under the slogan “Have Your Say on Security”, the ISSR Communications Team opened a number of channels through which the public could contribute, including: 1) public opinion surveys conducted in over 800 homes, 2) recorded commentaries from citizens gathered by the “Have Your Say” Bus, which travelled through urban and rural areas of Kosovo, 3) comment boxes located in every municipal building or in cultural centres in areas inhabited by minority groups, 4) emails sent directly to the ISSR address, 5) phone calls made to the ISSR hotline, 6) questionnaires completed by individual citizens, 7) public debates among Kosovo’s key security ﬁgures regarding issues outlined in the ISSR report, 8) television and radio programmes on national and local stations with active participation of the audience, 9) town hall meetings facilitated by the OSCE across all of Kosovo’s municipalities.
Ownership — The success of SSR will depend on the degree to which the process is driven by the local population from the initial stages. Media and outreach campaigns must reﬂect that ownership by featuring local personalities and key politicians who are seen as leading the process. Every outreach initiative should be sensitive to the local context and culture; the means of communication and messages must be designed accordingly. The communications strategy, designed in full co-operation with the local population, must be created and tested by a variety of focus groups representative of all ethnic populations.
Tailoring the message to the audience — The effectiveness of the communications and outreach strategy must take into account the variety of audiences — their backgrounds, interests and fears. The message and outreach modalities must be formulated and delivered in a culture- and contextsensitive manner.
Not raising expectations — A large-scale outreach initiative aimed at ensuring full public ownership of the process is likely to raise high expectations, which the international community (due to lack of funds or due to political circumstances) may not be able to deliver.
At this stage it is too early to assess the full extent of the outreach initiative’s impact. However, over 800 people participated in consultative town hall meetings, 700 took part in TV debates on the most popular television channel, 20'000 leaﬂets were distributed to the inhabitants of urban and rural areas, over 70 billboards were placed on Kosovo’s main and secondary roads, and over 800 television spots encouraged the public to “Have Their Say” on security. For three months an ISSR bus travelled 250 throughout Kosovo collecting input by videotaped message, sealed letters and responses to a questionnaire. In addition, 40 suggestion boxes were placed in public buildings as a method of gathering anonymous comments. Quantitative results were gained from the 1'039 questionnaires received by ISSR.
- UN Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999)
- Appraising the 2006 Kosovo Internal Security Sector Review (ISSR): Part I and Part II, Anthony Welch, 10 June 2014
- The conundrum of local ownership in developing a security sector: the case of Kosovo
- Community-Based Approaches to Safety and Security - Lessons from Kosovo, Nepal and Bangladesh
Training Resource Package: Guide to Integrating Gender in SSR Training- DCAF
Video: Gender in SSR-Stephen Jackson, Chief of Staff at the UN Office in Burundi
The Examples from the Ground are concrete illustrations of ways in which a gender perspective has been integrated in different security sector institutions around the world. They range from measures to counter human trafficking in Kosovo, to women’s organisations’ involvement with security institutions in Nepal, to female parliamentarians’ contribution to post-conflict reconstruction in Rwanda. These examples can help policymakers, trainers and educators better understand and demonstrate the linkages between gender and SSR.
The examples are organised around the following nine themes, for which a short introduction is provided:
• Police Reform and Gender
• Defence Reform and Gender
• Justice Reform and Gender
• Penal Reform and Gender
• Border Management and Gender
• Parliamentary Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• National Security Policy-Making and Gender
• Civil Society Oversight of the Security Sector and Gender
• SSR Assessment, Monitoring and Evaluation and Gender
For downloading individual examples and case studies in Integrating Gender into SSR Training on Kosovo, Liberia, Nicaragua, Sierra Leone, Timor-Leste, Hungary, South Africa, the United Kingdom, the Central African Republic, Indonesia, Peru, Somalia, Afghanistan, the Russian Federation, Tajikstan, Rwand, Brazil, Israel, Jamaica, Nepal, the United States, and the regions of West Africa and the Pacific, kindly follow the link.
Interview with Gabriel Negatu, Regional Director at the East Africa Resource Centre at the African Development Bank (AfDB). Mr Negatu looks at the overlap between economic development good security and the need for economic prospects for effective reintegration of former combatants or returning refugees.
"DDR is easier said than done... "The two D's are much easier than the last R."
Policy and Research Papers
The concept of 'local ownership' has been an article of faith within the development community for a number of years. It is therefore not surprising to see it being applied more recently to the normative process of Security Sector Reform (SSR). Empirical evidence would suggest, however, that local ownership has been more evident in the theory of SSR than in its practice, where short-term expediency often tends to trump long-term sustainability. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the case of Kosovo.
The security sector in Kosovo has been built from scratch with the support of the international community and thus offers a unique post-communist and post-conflict example. Whilst the declaration of independence in 2008 has changed the context, the international community's role in developing the local security sector is still manifestly evident. The multitude of both international and local actors on the ground still creates a confusing picture of who, in reality, leads and owns the process.
This article will apply the evolving concept of „local ownership‟ to the development of the security sector in Kosovo and more specifically will analyse the case study of the development of the National Security Strategy of Kosovo in 2009-2010. It will argue that in many cases the international community's approach has taken little notice of the local context and the needs of the country. It has driven forward an international agenda rather than supporting the legitimate efforts of local actors to undertake their own SSR. Although the impasse that resulted from the UN Future Status process in 2007 continues to complicate the political situation for all concerned, insufficient effort has been made by the international community to hand over responsibility for all aspects of the security sector and their development to the Kosovo Government and its people, in line with the principles of local ownership.
This paper presents the findings of a case-study carried out in Kosovo in January 2010, which investigated the challenges and opportunities that the EU faces supporting the reform of the rule of law in that country. It also identified a number of tensions and challenges at both the design/planning stage and the implementation stage of SSR support, and pointed to a number of avenues for improvement.
This report surveys the Kosovo domestic legal system. More than two years after declaring independence, Kosovo struggles with uneven rule of law and a weak justice system that is failing its citizens. The police, public prosecutors and courts are erratic performers, prone to political interference and abuse of office. Organised crime and corruption are widespread and growing. Realising that prosperity, relations with the European Union (EU) and affirmation as an independent state depend on the rule of law, the government has taken important steps, replacing key officials and passing long-delayed reforms. But critical weaknesses remain, notably in the courts, and the government, supported by the international community, must act swiftly to curtail them.
The report analyzed the failure to bring to justice many of those responsible for the violence in March 2004. Key factors included: the failure of a special international
police operation disconnected from the rest of the justice system, and ineffective policing generally; an insufficient response to allegations of Kosovo Police Service
misconduct during the riots; passivity on the part of prosecutors; poor case management and lenient sentencing practices in the courts; and inadequate oversight.
This paper has been written from a practitioner’s perspective. The author spent 6 months embedded with the Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC) command team, spending hours in their company during its de-activation. Whether visiting KPC headquarters across the country; sitting in meetings at the highest echelons of Government; or accompanying the Commander and Deputy Commander to the Kosovo Force (KFOR) HQ in Pristina, the author had unprecedented access and exposure at the heart of the organisation.
This plan outlines ICITAP's projected assistance efforts for FY 2010, which encompasses the following projects areas: Integrated Border Management, Police Development, Accountability, and Human Resources Management, complex Criminal Investigations, Rule of Law Information Management, and Community Safety Action Teams and Community Policing.
The aim of this study, besides giving an overview on the most important stages on the way to an independent Kosovo, is to provide an analysis of the political and economic situation in Kosovo since the independence declaration and to put under the microscope the priorities and expected problems of the EU mission, which, in coming years, will cost European tax payers millions of euros. The present investigation is based on a book published in 2005 and revised in 2006 and on interviews and research in Kosovo since 2002.
This report briefly describes the relations between Kosovo1 and the Union; analyses the political situation in Kosovo in terms of democracy, the rule of law, human rights, protection of minorities, and regional issues; analyses the economic situation in Kosovo; reviews Kosovo’s capacity to implement European standards, that is, to gradually
approximate its legislation and policies with those of the acquis, in line with the European Partnership priorities. The period covered by this report is from early October 2008 to mid-September 2009.
Council of Europe Draft Report on Inhuman treatment of people and illicit trafficking in human organs in Kosovo
This is a draft report by Mr Dick Marty to the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights of the Council of Europe on Inhuman treatment of people and illicit trafficking in human organs in Kosovo.
These lessons learned, drawn directly from the author’s field experience, are not provided asinstructions or directives but as a practitioner’s suggestions and reflections. It is hoped that this report cancontribute to the development of good practices and more specifically to the establishment of moreproactive and holistic mechanisms in the preparation of security sector reform projects such as theKosovo ISSR. This report might also prove useful to governments, UN agencies and othernongovernmental organisations in designing security sector reform strategies or programmes. Given theimportance of security sector reform projects, especially in post-conflict environments, the preparatorywork undertaken before these projects should receive more attention and care, and this report intends onproviding actionable suggestions to assist the decision-makers and practitioners alike.
The core of the report lists and describes the tasks, objectives and outputs undertaken as part of theISSR preparatory phase. Each of these items is then analysed and lessons learned are drawn from them,based on Mr. Jérôme Mellon‘s specific experience with the Kosovo ISSR process, but with the objective ofbeing relevant and useful for future similar projects. This report also benefited from the input andassistance of BCPR staff members.
The Political Economy of State-Building in Situations of Fragility and Conflict: From Analysis to Strategy
Fragile states have been at the heart of Western development and security strategy for over a decade. Bringing together the findings of five case studies of states that show clear signs of illegitimacy or a weak capacity to govern, including Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Guatemala, Kosovo and Pakistan, this paper examines the roots and dynamics of state fragility by placing the spotlight on the way political power works. The paper highlights the aspects of political economy that give rise to weak or fragile state institutions, freeze or reverse attempted reforms, create public insecurity and paralyse economic development.
The paper concludes with suggestions that may help guide a pragmatic and realistic approach. Above all, donors must be constantly sensitive to the structures of power, interests and incentives that can capture and subvert new formal governance arrangements.
To view this publication, please follow this link or download the file below.
This case study seeks to provide basic information and policy analysis on the deployment of international judges and prosecutors in Kosovo, a program that was established under the UN Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) in 1999. It is part of a series that aims to provide information and analysis on policy and practical issues facing hybrid courts. In Kosovo, hybrid courts were established when international capacity was injected into the domestic legal system. The lessons that can be drawn from this experience are divided into the following areas:
• A brief history of the conflict in Kosovo
• Background to the establishment of the international judges and prosecutors (IJP) program
• A description of the IJP program
• Prosecutorial strategy and case selection
• Legal framework
• Court administration and witness protection
• Cost and efficiency
• Relationship with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and other transitional justice mechanisms
• Outreach, public perceptions, and ownership
• Exit strategy and legacy
The purpose of this case study is to provide basic information, some of which is still not widely available, on these areas to guide policymakers and stakeholders in establishing and implementing similar mechanisms. Similar case studies have been developed on Sierra Leone and Timor-Leste.
Pristupi sigurnosti i bezbednosti utemeljeni u zajednici - Izvucˇene pouke sa Kosova, iz Nepala i Bangladeša
Ovaj izveštaj identifikuje pouke relevantne za donatore i izvršne agencije koje žele da podrže pristupe bezbednosti utemeljene u zajednici.1 Isti se zasniva na radu koji su Saferworld i njegovi partneri obavili u oblasti bezbednosti u zajednici na Kosovu, u Nepalu i Bangladešu u periodu od 2010–13. godine.
Iako ne predstavlja formalnu ocenu, ovaj izveštaj sugeriše da programi bezbednosti u zajednici proizvode merljiva poboljšanja u načinima na koje same zajednice doživljavaju beđzbednost i sigurnost. Isti takođe identifikuje niz rezultata bitnih kako bi se omogućilo sposobno, odgovorno i uzvratno garantovanje bezbednosti i širi mirotvorni i državotvorni procesi. Nalazi takođe ukazuju na kritičnu ulogu građanskog društva u razvoju sektora bezbednosti i pravosuđa i na neke od mera koje su neophodne kako bi se ovim grupama pružila efektivna podrška. Izveštaj samo još više podvlači zapažanje da uspešne intervencije u domenu bezbednosti i pravosuđa treba da uključuju ne samo reforme na nivou zajednice već i one koje se vode institucionalno. Na kraju, izveštaj daje neke praktične pouke namenjene donatorima i agencijama koje žele da podržepristupe bezbednosti i sigurnosti utemeljene u zajednici u sklopu njihovog rada.
The recent agreement between Kosovo and Serbia is a significant accomplishment for the European Union. Still, the agreement marks the beginning, rather than the end, of a long-term process of normalizing relations between Serbia and Kosovo. The maintenance of the EU’s “constructive ambiguity” approach to the question of Serbia’s recognition of Kosovo as an independent state is important for continued normalizing relations between the countries. The EU’s continuous and active involvement and interest in the region is of paramount importance for the full implementation of the agreement.
A free and impartial media should be one of the pillars of a stable society. Media organisations have direct communication with a considerable portion of the population and are in a powerful position to support peace and security-related efforts. In a country like Kosovo, with a violent past, the media needs to pay special attention when covering emotionally charged issues, as failure to do so threatens to heighten tensions.
This study, ‘Media reporting on peace, conflict and security issues: How objective and conflict-sensitive is media coverage and reporting on these issues?’, examines the existing legal framework governing media and the perceptions of citizens on whether media outlets are sensitive or partisan in their reporting. Amongst other things, these perceptions are key in shaping people’s opinions and perceptions of Kosovar institutions. Currently, there are two regulatory bodies for press and broadcast media, but nothing for online media.
In recent months the Pristina-Belgrade dialogue has been prioritised in the media, and though the reporting is generally perceived to be impartial, there is a potential for inciting conflict if there is ambiguity and a perceived lack of objective reporting, particularly the use of conflict-insensitive language. This report concludes with suggestions for how media outlets could work towards more conflict sensitive news coverage.
This report was the result of joint work and collaboration between 11 organisations, including members of the Forum for Security in Pristina and Conflict Prevention Forum in the north, and through community dialogue meetings and desk research facilitated by FIQ and AKTIV.
This paper is available in English, Albanian and Serbian on the Saferworld website.
This report will examine some questions relating to the delivery of justice in countries and territories under international administration through the experiences of United Nations administrations in Kosovo (1999— ) and East Timor (1999-2002) and the assistance mission in Afghanistan (2002— ). Though the United Nations had exercised varying measures of executive power in previous missions, notably West Papua (1962-1963), Cambodia (1992-1993), and Eastern Slavonia (1996-1998), Kosovo and East Timor were the first occasions on which the UN exercised full judicial power within a territory.
To view this article, please follow this link.
This paper argues for the inclusion of Forensic Sector Reform (FSR) in any major Justice and Security Sector Reform (JSSR) program implemented in post conflict settings. It describes what is meant by FSR and why it is necessary to include it into JSSR programs. The paper analyses the procedural interconnectivity between justice institutions, emphasizing on the key role of the Forensic Sector within the criminal justice system. It discusses the consequences of ignoring this sector on any JSSR program. It provides a list of basic recommendations for FSR implementation in the field. Finally, it concludes that in order to effectively support the delivery of justice and truth in post-conflicts situations and play a basic role in consolidating stabilization and recovery, the mandate of FSR experts could strongly benefit from having corrective powers.
This study by Transparency International UK and Transparency International Germany stresses how corruption hinders stability in post-conflict states and undermines peace worldwide. It also shows a robust connection between corruption risk and violent conflict and looks at evidence of this link in detail through case studies of Afghanistan, Kosovo and West Africa.
Based on Transparency International’s earlier work on corruption, conflict and peacekeeping, the report also examines the structures and practices of international organisations for addressing corruption in fragile and conflict-affected environments.
Corruption is hampering the delivery of justice globally. People perceive the judiciary as the second most corrupt public service, after the police. UNDP presents in this report, prepared in cooperation with U4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre, a series of successful experiences from Afghanistan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia, Indonesia, Kenya, Kosovo*, Nepal, Nigeria, Paraguay, Philippines, and Somalia, in promoting transparency and accountability within the judiciary.
Opening up judicial systems fosters integrity and increases public trust without impeding independence of the judiciary. The report advocates for judiciaries to open up to peer learning by engaging representatives of other countries in capacity assessments to improve judicial integrity. It also encourages judiciaries to consult end-users, associations of judges and use new technologies to foster transparency and accountability.
For full access to the report on A Transparent and Accountable Judiciary to Deliver Justice for All, kindly follow the link.
The power of legitimacy is increasingly invoked by scholars, practitioners, and donors as a crucial prerequisite for any international peacebuilding project. This short article disenchants the almost magical powers accorded to legitimacy via three research findings: First, it shows the causal mechanism behind legitimacy’s impact; second, legitimacy works only in certain contexts and situations; third, it is the only direct power international peacebuilding operations wield.
For full access to the blog and original research article Police reform in Kosovo and Bosnia: The power of local legitimacy unpacked, kindly follow the link.
Intervening states apply different approaches to the use force in war-torn countries. Calibrating the use of force according to the situation on the ground requires a convergence of military and police roles: soldiers have to be able to scale down, and police officers to scale up their use of force. In practice, intervening states display widely differing abilities to demonstrate such versatility. This paper argues that these differences are shaped by how the domestic institutions of sending states mediate between demands for versatile force and their own intervention practices. It considers the use of force by Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom and the United States in three contexts of international intervention: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and Afghanistan. The paper highlights quite different responses to security problems as varied as insurgency, terrorism, organised crime and riots. This analysis offers important lessons. Those planning and implementing international interventions should take into account differences in the use of force. At the same time, moving towards versatile force profoundly changes the characteristics of security forces and may increase their short-term risks. This difficulty points to a key message emerging from this paper: effective, sustainable support to states emerging from conflict will only be feasible if intervening states reform their own security policies and practices.
Linkages between Justice-Sensitive Security Sector Reform and Displacement: Examples of Police and Justice Reform from Liberia and Kosovo
This ICTJ paper explores the linkages between SSR and displacement. It looks at examples drawn primarily from two post-conflict areas undergoing SSR—Liberia and Kosovo—to understand previous experiences with these linkages. It focuses on: first, ways in which SSR initiatives either incorporated or failed to incorporate justice-sensitive approaches to durable solutions with regards to displacement; and second, whether and how these linkages enhanced or impeded the implementation of durable solutions and SSR initiatives. The focus is on rule of law reform, especially with regard to police and justice systems, set in the wider context of SSR strategies and initiatives. Police and justice reform are directly connected to durable solutions because: first, effective rule of law is essential for a secure environment, and therefore a necessary precondition for the return, resettlement/repatriation, and local integration of displaced populations; and second, they are the most visible public security institutions for local populations, and are therefore critical for demonstrating integrity and building legitimacy with displaced populations.
Follow this link to view the publication on the ICTJ website.
The Transition to a Just Order – Establishing Local Ownership after Conflict: A Practitioners’ Guide
This handbook and its sister publication, the policy report The Transition to a Just Order: Establishing Local Ownership after Conflict, A Practitioner’s Guide, are based on the findings of a two year long study conducted jointly by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) and the Norwegian Defence Research Establishment (FFI), in partnership with the Folke Bernadotte Academy (FBA). The study offers a comprehensive analysis of the principle of local ownership, the key dilemmas involved in pursuing local ownership and the challenges and issues that arise when local ownership is being put into practice.
It takes a closer look at strategies and mechanisms for transition in four cases studies: Afghanistan, the Balkans (Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and Kosovo), Timor-Leste and West Africa (Liberia and Sierra Leone).
The cases have been selected to illustrate the varying degrees of international involvement in post-conflict justice and security sector reform. Kosovo and Timor-Leste represent scenarios where the international community has taken the lead in taking responsibility for law and order, while West Africa and especially Afghanistan are illustrative of postconflict environments where primacy has rested with local authorities. The study is based on field visits by the authors to all the case study countries with
the exception of Timor-Leste and numerous interviews with local stakeholders, practitioners, policy makers and established academics working on justice and security sector issues. The study has also benefited greatly from discussions which took place in a workshop held in Stockholm in May 2006 as well as a rigorous peer review process. The handbook uses the findings in the case studies and examples from these peacebuilding processes to highlight some of the key challenges.
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Kosovo is the largest per capita recipient of EU financial aid in the world. Much EU aid aims to strengthen the rule of law. This report examines the effectiveness of the assistance provided by the European Commission and by EULEX, the largest civilian crisis management mission ever launched by the Union. It concludes that the EU’s rule of law assistance to Kosovo has not been sufficiently effective: Kosovo’s authorities accord insufficient priority to the rule of law, disagreement over the recognition of Kosovo jeopardises the incentive of EU accession, and EU assistance must be better managed.
To view this publication, please follow this link.
This paper explores the definition of SSR as it has emerged in the international community. It examines the makeup of the security sector, identifies emergent principles for implementing SSR in the community of practice and specifies the outcomes that SSR is designed to produce. Supporting case studies of Haiti, Liberia, and Kosovo assess the impact of SSR programs on host nation security sectors. The authors conclude that those conducting SSR programs must understand and continually revisit the policy goals of SSR programs, to develop concepts that support a transitional process that moves forward over time. They also identify a need for rebalancing resources committed to SSR, especially since justice and civil law enforcement typically are undersourced as elements of SSR. Lastly, the authors cite the need for more flexible and better integrated funding processes to support SSR activities within the U.S. Government.
Security sector reform (SSR) is widely recognized as key to conflict prevention, peace-building, sustainable development, and democratization. SSR has gained most practical relevance in the context of post-conflict reconstruction of so-called "failed states'" and states emerging from violent internal or inter-state conflict. As this volume shows, almost all states need to reform their security sectors to a greater or lesser extent, according to the specific security, political and socio-economic contexts, as well as in response to the new security challenges resulting from globalization and post-9/11 developments. Alan Bryden is a researcher at the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces. Heiner Hnggi is assistant director of the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces.
Implementing Security Sector Reform (SSR) in Post-Communist Europe: Lessons learned for improving Reform Practices
In the aftermath of the Cold War, the traditional concept of defense and security no longer represents an adequate response to the new security challenges and threats that the international community faces. Since the war in Bosnia in 1991, the Euro-Atlantic community became aware of the necessity to reform its security sector so as to tackle such problems as global terrorism, organized crime, intra-state ethnic and religious conflicts, as well as the abuse of human rights. The growing demand for respect of democracy and human rights suggest that this reform should not focus solely on strict security institutions, but it should also include political and civilian institutions. The SSR agenda provides for a holistic and concrete response to all security related problems, but, as past experience demonstrates, many difficulties arise in the implementation stage; attempts to operationalise SSR proved to be problematic in certain contexts as are the post-Communist Central and Eastern European countries. This paper describes specific problems that arose during the implementation stage of the SSR agenda in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Bulgaria, Russia, Kosovo, and Serbia, and suggests different recommendation policies in order to successfully engage in a holistic, cohesive, and strategic amelioration of the security sector.
Reforms of local police forces in conflict or post-conflict areas need to be dealt with in order to create a certain level of security for the local people. This volume presents the discussions of professionals in the field of peacekeeping, civilian police activities and police reform, both academics and practitionaers, on the issue of internationally assisted police reform in transitions from war to peace. Contributions include theoretical insights and informed case studies from El Salvador and Guatamala, the Balkans, West Bank and Gaza, and Mozambique and South Africa.
In Assessing the Impact of Transitional Justice, fourteen leading researchers study seventy countries that have suffered from autocratic rule, genocide, and protracted internal conflict.
Crisis Group’s Watch List 2017 includes the Lake Chad basin, Libya, Myanmar, Nagorno-Karabakh, Sahel, Somalia, Syria, Turkey, Venezuela and Yemen. This annual early-warning report identifies conflict situations in which prompt action by the European Union and its member states would generate stronger prospects for peace.
For full access to the report, Watch List 2017, kindly follow the link.
For an update on the report, Watch List 2017 – First Update with entries on counter-terrorism, Afghanistan, Egypt, Somalia and the Western Balkans, kindly follow the link.